Archive for February, 2015

Non-Boring Work Hairstyles That Won’t Get You Fired

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In a perfect world, a woman’s competency at her job would have absolutely zero to do with her grooming habits. A curly fauxhawk and nail art do not make one unprofessional or ill-equipped to do a kickass job in their chosen career field. Sadly, we do not live in a perfect world, as evidenced by the fact that we don’t own an island in Tahiti, and adorable fluffy puppies do not spontaneously appear for us to cuddle when we are feeling stressed or sad. Which means, as much as it’s a total load of crap, that you do have to be mindful about the choices you make with your hair and makeup in the workplace — especially if you happen to work in a very conservative or super-corporate environment. All right, fine, so no neon-purple lipstick then — we can handle that. But, what about our hair?For what feels like since the dawn of women in the workplace, the prevalent theory has been that professional hair equals slicked back, pulled-up strands. But, why? As the great Mindy Kaling so perfectly expressed in Is Everyone Hanging Out Without Me? (and Other Concerns), “Since when does having a career necessitate women having their hair pulled back in a severe, tight bun?” Preach it, sister.According to Anna Akbari, sociologist, style expert, and founder of Sociology of Style, while we’re starting to move away from that generalization in many offices, the way we style our hair (and dress and do your makeup) still have an effect on how we’re viewed in the workplace. “Every single one of those components is demonstrating a piece of your identity,” she explains. “They are seen as an extension of your identity and capabilities, and the effort you are putting forth. If your image doesn’t reflect that then people believe your work product is going to be similarly reflected — that is just the way it is. We can lament that reality all we want, but that is the symbiotic exchange that happens [in the workplace].

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“So, as much as it sucks, it continues to be the corporate culture some of us have to deal with. But, that doesn’t have to mean conforming to a beauty standard that’s not right for you or your hair type. Akbari says it’s not about changing your hair, but rather showing that you’ve put time and care into your appearance, but in a way that doesn’t distract your colleagues. And, distracting doesn’t just refer to the way a style looks. It can also be about how you interact with your hair. “We [all] have physical tics that we do and that extend to what we do with our hair,” notes Akbari. “If you twirl your hair constantly, or suck on the ends of your hair, or pick your split ends, those things can be the hair equivalents to clipping your nails or plucking your eyebrows at your desk. [That’s the] the backstage portion of our lives, and you should be in your front-stage area exclusively at work.

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“We know better than anyone that your hairstyle is so much more than just a hairstyle — it’s an expression of yourself and your personal aesthetic. But, according to Akbari, there is a way to balance those seemingly at-odds ideals in a way that will satisfy both you and your bosses.”In general, the rule to remember is that — whether it’s your hair, makeup, or clothes — you are striving to strike a balance between expressing individuality while still demonstrating belonging,” she says. “The way you can do that is in the details. Find a way to express that originality in the small details of your experience, not in a way that disrupts the larger visual flow.”With that in mind, we went to hair pro Bradley Irion to dream up work-appropriate hairstyles that won’t bore you to tears. A few months ago, we tackled this topic for girls with long hair, so this go-round we focused on short, medium-length, and curly strands. Keep clicking for some professional ‘do inspiration that will have you feeling like a total boss lady, without having to resort to that stereotypical slicked-back bun.Like this post? There’s more. Get tons of beauty tips, tutorials, and news on the Refinery29 Beauty Facebook page!”

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Controlled CurlsThere’s a common misconception among the uninformed that we’d like to dispel here and now: Curly hair is not disheveled or unkempt by nature, and no one should ever feel pressured to straighten their strands to look professional. Irion says the way to keep your coils from sending off any unintentionally “messy” vibes comes down not to the straightness of the strands, but their health — fried locks are harder to control than moisturized, healthy ones. Which is why Irion says finding the right product or product combo mixed with the right technique is so important to keeping your curls looking healthy and formed all day.The great thing about this piece-y updo is that it shows off your natural texture and keeps your curls off your face, as well as doing double-duty to hydrate them.”
Before you start, Irion recommends applying a leave-in conditioner treatment to your dry hair, working it into the strands. This will help soften your curls and allow you to treat any damage while you work.Begin by sectioning off the hair, starting with the front. Take the hair about a half inch behind the the hairline, from one ear across to the other, comb it forward, and clip it out of the way.
Section the remaining hair into four parts: a horseshoe-shaped section at the top of the head to the back of the crown, a section on each side from the crown of the head to the ear, and then the remaining hair at the nape of your neck.Take one of your side sections, and create a loose French braid. Secure it with a hair tie, and then pull it apart gently to create what Irion calls “loose, but contained” softness. Repeat on the other side and on your top section.
Take the back section of your hair and braid it, and then pull it up into a tight chignon. This will be the anchor for the rest of the updo. It’s okay if a few curls fall out — this adds to the softness of the look, notes Irion.
Take one of your side braids, and pin it to the head and around the chignon. Irion created an S-shape with our model Dakota’s hair to obscure the parting. Pin the end of the braid into the chignon when you’ve finished wrapping. Repeat with the other side.
Take your top braid and wrap it around the chignon, pinning the ends in place.
Unclip the front section of hair and gently pull it back, and pin the hair into your chignon. Irion says to work your fingers through the side bits to create a visual texture that is still pulled back and secured.Pulled back, yet soft, loose, and contained — this style lets your curls shine and doesn’t require you to compromise on your natural texture in order to look like a total pro.
Short StackWomen with short hair face what we’ll call the “effort problem.” The aesthetic goal with most short styles is to look effortless, which goes against the very core of what Akbari says our ideal professional hair goal should be — looking like we’ve put time, attention, and care into our appearance.The solution? A crafted coiff that shows clear effort without looking too contrived or overdone. We think this pushed-forward ‘do checks all of those boxes, and then some.
Section off a horseshoe-shaped piece at the very top of the head.
Starting at the front of that section, create big pin curls. The goal is not to create curls, but to get a big bend in the hair — but be sure to keep your curls loose. Irion notes that it’s okay if some pieces stick out, as it’s not meant to be perfect. The pin curls will “give the hair motion and texture so it melts into itself” when they are undone. You should create around five curls total, depending on your hair length and thickness.
After you finish putting in the curls, give them a quick shot of heat from your blowdryer and then sit down and do your makeup. After you’ve given them time to set, take a medium-hold wax (Irion likes Rene Furterer Modeling Paste) and apply it to the sides of your hair — you want to get the hair as flat against the head as possible to replicate the look of an undercut. Irion recommends using a comb to smooth it down after you’ve gone through with your hands.
Unpin your curls. Warm up a dab of the wax on the palm of your hand with a quick blast from your blowdryer, to soften it up and make it pliable. Then, run the bristles of a brush over the softened product on your hand to deposit it on the brush — this will give a lighter and more even distribution of the product, says Irion, and also prevents the wax from clumping in your hair.Use the brush to comb your hair forward, and then use your hands to sculpt it into the shape you want. If your hair is a bit longer on top like our model’s, Irion says you can sprinkle in some dry shampoo and then backcomb at the roots after you unpin the curls. This will ensure you get the height without having your hair hanging in your face.
The slicked-down sides, careful parting, shiny texture, and crafted height send a clear message of effort in this power pompadour.
Undercover EdgeInspired by the chain-link hairstyles we saw at the Dior couture show, this incognito origami style adds an interesting, understated spark to a more conventional look. And, since Irion says the biggest challenge many girls with mid-length hair face is that “It can get a little boring because it can look neither here nor there, or like it’s in a growing-out phase,” it’s the perfect way to freshen up your usual workday ‘do.Lie Sangbong top and skirt.
Divide your hair into four distinct sections to nail the look. Start by creating a deep side-part that goes all the way to the back of the head. Then, using the part as a guide, section out a triangle-shaped lock on the top front of the head. Clip this up and out of the way.For your back section, take the loose hair from the back of the ear to the back of the crown to the back of the opposite ear (so, a U-shaped section), and pin that back and out of the way. As for your side sections, take the loose hair from the back of the ear to the part on either side and clip that out of the way as well.
Unclip that back U-section of hair, and backcomb it to create a foundation. This is the security of your style, says Irion; what everything else is going to be anchored into. Pull the backcombed hair straight up and into a ponytail, and then use a “buttload of pins” and hairspray to twist that hair into a small, flat bun at the back of the head. The bun itself doesn’t have to be perfect — it’s going to be hidden underneath the other section of hair. The only part that will be visible is the pulled-up hair at the nape, so make sure that is directed upward and looks smooth.
Undo the side section of hair, and backcomb it at the roots to get volume. You’ll need that volume to create security and hold in the hair for the next step. “For in-between-length hair, you need that security in order to maneuver your hair around,” says Irion.
Take a brush and run it over the top of the backcombed strands, smoothing down the top of the hair without breaking up all the volume you created underneath. Pull the hair back into a ponytail, making sure the base of the ponytail is just underneath the base of your bun, hiding it from view.
Take the ends of your ponytail and loop it upward, pinning the ends underneath and pushing the pins into that hidden bun. Unpin your front section and drape it backwards, creating a kind of swoopy faux-bang from the front.Having trouble getting those ends folded and pinned? Irion says to pinch your ends, and then wrap a small, clear elastic around them to keep them together and make them slightly easier to tuck under and pin. Just be sure that the elastic isn’t visible after you’ve tucked. He recommends crisscrossing two bobby pins to keep the ends securely fastened to the head and prevent flyaways from poking out.
Wrap the ends of the front section around the base of the ponytail to hide the elastic and complete the draping effect. Irion admits that this style is going to be a bit tricky and will take lots of practice to pull off. He notes that if you’re a DIY-hairstyle newb, having a hard time mastering the technique, or if your hair is a bit shorter than our models’, you can just skip the pony-folding and just leave it as a simple ponytail. You’ll still get that same playful parting effect, but without struggling to keep all of those ends from sticking out.

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Posted by admin - February 26, 2015 at 4:53 pm

Categories: Hairstyles   Tags: fired, , non-boring, , won't, work

The International Camellia Society (ICS)

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Species R

Camellia remotiserrata Chang (1983).
Subgenus Thea; Section Thea; Series Quinquelocularis. Small tree, 3.5 m Tall. Leaves long-elliptic, 12.5-16 cm long x 5.2-5.8 cm wide, apices caudate. Flowers terminal or axillary, creamy white, 5.2-6,5 cm across with 8-13 petals. Distribution: Yunnan Province, China.
Camellia reticulata Lindl. (1827).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Camellia; Subsection Reticulata; Series Reticulatae. A loose branched tree to to 15 m tall. Leaves broadly elliptic, rarely oblong-elliptic, apices short acute or shortly acuminate, coriaceous, rigid, 7.5-11.5 cm long x 2.5-5.6 cm wide. Flowers perulate, terminal or axillary, rose red, 6-11 cm across with 5-7 petals. In cultivation flowers are larger, with more petals and colours may vary from pale rose to deep crimson, and form from semi-double to complete double and size to 17 cm across. The normal single flowered plant that grows wild in the Province of Yunnan is designated Camellia reticulata Lindl. forma simplex Sealy. Some wild forms of this species are close to C. pitardii, however the latter has comparatively smaller and narrower leaves with sharper serrations and smaller flowers. This species has a long history of cultivation and many cultivars are maintained by vegetative propagation. Synonym: C. heterophylla.

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Camellia rhytidocarpa Chang & Liang in Chang (1981).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Tuberculata. A shrub 3 m tall. Leaves coriaceous, oblong, 6-9.5 cm long x 2.5-3.5 cm wide, apices acuminate. Flowers terminal, sessile, white, 5 cm across with 6 petals. Distribution: Gaungxi, Hunan, and Guizhou Provinces, China.
Camellia rosiflora Hook. (1858).
Subgenus Metacamellia; Section Theopsis. A shrub to 2.5 m tall of lax habit. Leaves elliptic to broad-elliptic, 4.5-8 cm long x 2-2.5 cm wide. Flower pedicellate, 3,5 cm across x 2 cm deep, soft pinkish rose with 6-8 petals. Resembles C. fraterna and C. dubia. Distribution: Jiangsu, Hubei, Zhejiang and Sichuan Provinces, China. Whilst originally thought to have been of hybrid origin, Chang states that it is a wild species in these four provinces.
Camellia rosthorniana Hand.-Mazz, (1925).
Subgenus Metacamellia; Section Theopsis; Series Cuspidatae. A shrub to 3 m tall. Leaves narrow to broad-elliptic, with blunt to long acuminate apices, 2.5-4.2 cm long x 9-18 mm wide. Flowers pedicellate, 1.1-1.4 cm across, white with 5-7 petals. Close to C. transnokoensis only the outer petals are free and the pedicels are shorter. With the specimens from Guizhou and Guangxi, the leaves are lanceolate with caudate apices. Distribution: Sichuan, Yunnan, Guangxi and Guizhou Provinces, China.

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Camellia rotundata Chang (1981).
Subgenus Thea; Section Thea; Series Pentastylae. A tree to 16 m tall. Leaves long-elliptic, 10.3-12.6 cm long x 4-4.7 cm wide, apices acuminate. Flowers terminal, a few axillary, white, 5.7-7.2 cm across with 13-16 petals. Distribution: Yunnan Province, China.
Camellia rubituberculata Chang, (1984).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Tuberculata; Series Tuberculatae. A small tree with glabrous branches. Leaves coriaceous, oblong, 7-9 cm long x 2.2-3 cm wide with brupt-acute apices, upper surface shining grey-green, margins serrulate, petioles 7-11 mm long. Flowers red, 5 cm across, solitary, axillary and terminal; petals 7-8 obovate, 2-2.8 cm long. Seed capsule 3.5 cm deep x 4 cm diameter with 1-6 seeds in each locule. Originated in the Quizhou Province, China.
Camellia rubo-anthera Chang (1984).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Camellia; Subsection Reticulata; Series Reticulatae. A small tree with glabrous branches. Leaves ovate-elliptic to ovate-oblong, 5-7 cm long x 2-3.2 cm wide, apicesa caudate-acuminate, shining dark green, margins finely serrate. Flowers 5 cm across, red, sessile, solitary, terminal; petals 7-8 obovate, 2.5 cm long. Stamens cylindrical, joined at the base. Seed capsule, 2.8 cm high x 3.5 cm wide. Originated in the Quizhou Province, China.

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Species S

Camellia salicifolia Champ. ex Benth. in Hook. (1851).
Subgenus Metacamellia; Section Eriandria. A shrub or small tree with pendulous branches. Leaves oblong to elliptic-oblong, apices acuminate or caudate. Flowers 1.5-2 cm across, white with 5-6 petals, pedicellate, with lanceolate, long-acuminate sepals and densely villose calyx. Synonyms: C. salicifolia var. longisepala and Thea salicifolia var. warbungii. Distribution: Guangdong, Gaungxi, Fujiang Provinces, Hong Kong and Taiwan.
Camellia saluenensis Stapf. ex Bean (1933).
Subgenus Camellia. Section Camellia; Subsection Reticulata; Series Reticulatae. Compact shrub 1-5 m tall. Leaves oblong to elliptic, apices acute to obtuse, 2.5-5.5 cm long x 1-2.3 cm wide, coriaceous. Flowers pedicellate, produced freely, 3-5 cm across, white or flushed pink or pale rose pink or deep rose pink, petals 6-7. Synonyms: C. saluenensis f. minor; C. pitardii var. lucidissima and Thea saluenensis var. lucidissima. Distribution: Yunnan Province, China.
Camellia sasanqua Thunb. (1784).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Oleifera. A densely leafy shrub or small tree up to 6 m tall. Leaves elliptic or oblong elliptic or broad elliptic, apices acute. Flowers 5-7 cm across, perulate, terminal, white to rose wth 6-8 petals. Distribution: Japan and occasionally cultivated in China. This species is close to C. oleifera, only the leaf blades are smaller and slightly thinner, apices obtuse, margins serrulate, sepals glabrous, styles shorter. It is possibly a geographical variant of C. oleifera.
Camellia scariosisepala Chang (1981).
Subgenus Thea; Section Corallina. Small tree, 3-4 m tall. Leaves thin, ovate-elliptic, 5-6 cm long x 2-3 cm wide, apices acuminate. Flowers white, subsessile, with 9 petals. Distribution: Yunnan Province, China.

Camellia semiserrata var. semiserrata Chi (1948).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Camellia; Subsection Reticulata; Series Reticulatae. Small tree to 8.5 m tall. Leaves oblong or elliptic-oblong, apices tapering acuminate, 9-15 cm long x 3-6 cm wide. Flowers red, 6-7 cm across, petals 8-9. Seed capsule to 4.5 cm diameter. Cultivated for oil bearing. Distribution: Guangdong and Guangxi Provinces, China.
Camellia semiserrata var. albiflora Hu & Huang (1965).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Camellia; Subsection Reticulata; Series Reticulatae. A small tree to 6 m tall. Leaves coriaceous, obovate-oblong or oblong, 9.5-14 cm long x 3.5-6 cm wide, apices shorty or long-cuspidate. Flowers white, 5 cm across. Fruit to 6 cm in diameter. Distribution: Guangdong Province, China.
Camellia setiperulata Chang & Lee in Chang (1981).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Camellia; Subsection Reticulata; Series Reticulatae. A shrub or small tree. Leaves coriaceous, oblong, 9-12 cm long x 2.8-4 cm wide, apices acute. Flowers light pink, 6-7 cm across with 6-7 petals. Distribution: Hunan Province, China.
Camellia shensiensis Chang ex Chang (1981).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Paracamellia. Shrub 1.5 m tall. Leaves coriaceous, broadly-elliptic, 3.5-5 cm long x 2-3 cm wide, apices abruptly acute. Flowers, 2.8 cm across, terminal or axillary, sessile, white with 6-7 petals. Distribution: Sichuan, Shaanxi, Hubei, and Yunnan provinces, China.
Camellia sinensis L. var. sinensis Kuntze (1887).
Subgenus Thea; Section Thea; Series Sinensis. A shrub or small tree 1.5-9 m tall. Leaves elliptic, apices obtuse, 4-14.4 cm long x 1.6-5 cm wide. Flower pedicellate, nodding, 1-2 axillary, sometimes up to 7 on a short shoot or leaf axile. Flower shallowly cup-shaped, 1.5-2.2 cm across, white with 7-8 petals. Distribution: Guangxi, Guangdong, Yunan, Anhui, Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Fujian, Hunan, Sichuan, Guizhou, Tibet, Japan, Indonesia. This species is so widely distributed and cultivated that there is considerable variation. The branches, leaves and flowers are either glabrous or pubescent. Leaf size is smaller on the cultivated forms, but larger in the wild. Cultivated plants are shrub-like while wild forms grow to trees. Synonyms: Thea sinensis L. (1753); C. sinensis var. sinensis f. macrophylla and C. sinensis var. sinensis f. parvifolia.
Camellia sinensis var. assamica (Mast.) Kitamura (1950).
Subgenus Thea; Section Thea; Series Sinensis. The var. assamica differs to the var. sinensis in growing to a tree up to 17 m tall with larger, thinner leaves, more or less acuminate, 7-22 cm long x 3-7.7 cm wide, thinly leathery. In flowers and fruit they are the same. Distribution: Guangxi, Hainan, Guangdong, Yunnan Provinces, Vietnam and Assam.
Camellia sinensis var. pubilimba Chang (1981).
Subgenus Thea; Section Thea; Series Sinensis. A shrub. Leaves coriaceous, elliptic, 5-9 cm long x 3-4 cm wide, apices abruptly acute, Flowers white, axillary, pedicellate, pubescent. Differs from the type in that the leaves are thin, membraneous, elliptic, pubescent, veins more pronounced, pedicels shorter. Distribution: Guangxi Province, China.
Camellia sinensis var. waldenae (S.Y. Hu) Chang (1981).
Subgenus Thea; Section Thea; Series Sinensis. Differentiated from the type in that the leaves are oblanceolate and shiny above. Flowers are the same. Synonyn: C. waldenae S.Y. Hu (1977). Distribution: Hong Kong, Giangxi Province, China.
Camellia stuartiana Sealy (1947).
Subgenus Metacamellia; Section Theopsis; Series Cuspidatae. A tree about 6 m tall. Leaves broad- elliptic or oblong-elliptic, bluntly acuminate. Flowers shortly pedicellate, 1.7 cm across, white with 5-7 petals. Distribution: Yunnan Province, China.
Camellia subacutissima Chang (1981).
Subgenus Metacamellia; Section Theopsis, Series Cuspidatae. A shrub. Leaves coriaceous, ovate-lanceolate, 5-6 cm long x 1.5-2 cm wide apices caudate-acuminate, Flowers not seen, but pedicellate, axillary. Close to C.a cutissima but the pedicels are shorter and the sepals smaller and nearly free. Distribution: Giangxi and Hunan Provinces, China.
Camellia subglabra Chang (1981).
Subgenus Metacamellia; Section Theopsis; Series Trichandrae. A shrub 2 m tall. Leaves coriaceous, lanceolate, 3.5-4.5 cm long x 8-13 mm wide, apices acuminate. Flowers terminal or axillary, 1.3 across, white with 5 petals. Distribution: Guangdong Province, China.
Camellia subintegra P.C. Huang in Chang (1981).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Camellia, Subsection Reticulata; Series Reticulatae. A small tree. Leave coriaceous, narrowly oblong or lanceolate, 8-11 cm long x 2-3.5 cm wide, apices acuminate. Flowers 1-2, terminal, red 8-9 cm across with 5-6 petals. Distribution: Jiangxi Province, China.
Camellia szechuanensis Chi (1948).
Subgenus Camellia; Section Psuedocamellia, Series Trichocarpae. A shrub, 1-4 m tall. Leaves narrowly elliptic or elliptic, apices caudate or long-acuminate, 6-11 cm long x 1.7-4 cm wide. Flowers subsessile, perulate, solitary or in pairs in axils of upper leaves, white, 3-3.5 cm across with 8 petals. Distribution: Sichuan Province, China.
Camellia szemaoensis Chang (1981).
Subgenus Thea; Section Brachyandra. Shrub to 2 m tall. Leaves coriaceous, obovate-oblong, 4-6 cm long x 1.5-2 cm wide, apices acuminate. Flowers white, sessile, with 7 petals. Distribution: Yunnan Province, China.

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Posted by admin - February 25, 2015 at 7:28 am

Categories: Uncategorized   Tags: camellia, , society

Border Crossings in Equatoria

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Border Crossings in Equatoria

Crossing a third world border is often an exercise in patience, frustration and skulduggery. As the truck passed through equatorial Africa, we encountered our share of difficulties entering and exiting the small countries there. Without the wisdom of Dragoman and the cleverness of our drivers, we might have spent half the trip sitting in no man’s land between borders.

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At each border crossing you must clear customs and immigration of both the country you are leaving and the country you are entering. Doing so with a large, commercial vehicle raises issues of taxes, insurance and a host of other reasons for delaying you.

Lucky for us our leaders normally kept the passports and presented the documentation at a border for us. I think they were afraid of us passengers either losing valuable documents or shooting off our big mouths in front of sensitive officials. Or maybe they were simply sparing us the trouble of tidying up our appearance. On the truck our informality in dress went to new highs (or lows to be more accurate) as the trip progressed. When you present yourself to a representative of a foreign government, it is advisable not to look like someone who rarely spends money (e.g. a budget backpacker) or someone who has no money (e.g. a hippie).

Our drivers, on the other hand, felt that, since they were working as tour leaders, drivers and mechanics, they were exempt from this civility. Inevitably they would saunter up to a guard post in dusty, muddy and/or greasy clothing, practically daring the officials to challenge their legitimacy. Their only concession was to put on a T-shirt and sandals.

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With patience we usually won stand-offs because no border post wants to keep a busload of tourists idle when they could be out spending. Or so we thought until Nigeria and Zaire where the bastards preferred we do our spending right there at there at the border!

We also thought that, being an organized, recognized tour, the officials would be reluctant to over hassle us because it could jeopardize future tours (and bribes) through their border crossing. Once again that was before we got to Nigeria or Zaire where no one thinks beyond tonite’s beer.

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A further complication, in our case, was the multinational composition of the passengers. Different nationalities incur different visa requirements. The attitude of country A toward citizens of country B can depend on:

  • Whether country B colonized A in the past – this can be very good or very bad
  • Whether country B has anything country A wants – for example, arms, food or money.
  • Whether country B’s ambassador stayed awake during the last speech by the President, prime minister or chief despot of country A.

Mali to Ivory Coast

My diary does not indicate any problems at this border although it is possible unexpected fees were levied. I do remember sitting at a roadblock shortly thereafter being scrutinized by a big army man with a big gun. During this time the Spousal Unit reached into an overhead storage compartment and extracted a small, square toiletries bag. Mr. Army mistook it for a camera and went ballistic because he thought she was photographing him. When you are aware that many African armies are largely uneducated, badly trained and poorly disciplined, the sight of one of their worst hopping mad at you is quite disturbing.

Dave kept reassuring the man that nobody was taking any pictures. The situation remained tense for a few minutes as we waited for the soldier to storm aboard and confiscate the cameras or, worse yet, confiscate the Unit. I think we were lucky because the apparent prosperity in Ivory Coast probably meant our man got paid regularly.

Ivory Coast to Ghana

This border crossing went smoothly possibly because the Ghanians speak English and seem to have forgiven the Western world for carting off most of its population as slaves centuries ago. Or maybe everyone was more amenable since we had gotten bonafide visas next door in Abidjan, the capital of Ivory Coast.

Ghana to Togo

After learning that acquiring a visa for Togo in Accra, the capital of Ghana, would entail a personal interview and $20 for all non-Americans, we elected to proceed to the border sans visas and try to bluff or bribe our way in. Twenty dollars seemed a bit much since the truck was going to transit the country in a single day.

At the Togolese border there was shouting about “favors” between our leaders and the border police. However, since we had used up our Ghanian visas, they couldn’t send us back and capitulated for everyone except the Australians. God knows why the Togolese have it in for the Aussies but the three of them had to present themselves to the border officials. And it didn’t end there – the next day the Australians actually had to get proper visas at the police station in Lome.

Side note – while we were parked along the beach waiting for the Togolese to call our bluff, we observed a remarkable role reversal between the local men and women. The beach was essentially a public toilet flushed twice a day by the Atlantic Ocean. When a woman had to pee, she spread her legs wide apart, hitched up her skirt or wrap a bit, a let it fly – while standing up! The men, on the other hand, crouched down or squatted while doing the equivalent. Time and time again we witnessed this phenomenon, leading the boys on the bus to astutely conclude the women wore no underwear. The women on the truck refrained from speculating about the men.

Togo to Benin

We bought two day visas for Benin at the border even though we planned to stay for four days. Our wise and caring leaders hoped that no one on the Benin side would notice that we overstayed our visa when we left.

Sharing a campground with another overland truck, we learned that the Benin – Nigeria border is closed but expected to open soon. Apparently Benin closed its border posts for a couple days to celebrate a holiday without telling neighbouring Nigeria. To retaliate, Nigeria closed its border with Benin for the last two weeks, at massive inconvenience to everyone.

Benin to Nigeria

Well, the Benin officials did notice that our two day visas had expired but they granted us free extensions. Perhaps we were lucky because we had selected an obscure border crossing that we hoped would be easier.

We wandered down a dirt road and arrived at the Nigerian border post, much to the surprise of the officials there who were enjoying a couple weeks off. Parking in the shade we ate lunch and then sat and waited on a hot, sticky afternoon.

Time passed and it became apparent nothing was going to happen even though Dave and Helen had submitted all the appropriate documents, photographs and money. The officials sat on the steps of their post talking, laughing and watching us play scrabble and hackysack. Finally we put up the tents and fixed dinner despite a huge thunderstorm.

The next morning our leaders continued hassling the border officials. “Entrance fees” changed hands. The officials spent the previous night in town partying with the “fees” collected from a Swiss couple in a Land Rover who are waiting with us. When the money ran out at midnight, the officials had the audacity to come back and demand additional “fees”. The Swiss refused so now the Nigerians wanted to get as much as they can from us.

They wanted to confiscate all the cameras and forward them to the border post where we will exit Nigeria. We aren’t that stupid and refused. Finally, after a few more hours of sitting, the passports returned properly stamped and we drove away on a rutted muddy road where the guidebook says bribery and corruption were invented. Oh Lordy!

Inside Nigeria we encountered many hassles with roadblocks – 18 of them in the 30 Km between the border and the first significant town. The barking officials were quite annoying although words like pompous, arrogant and dishonest better describe them. Sometimes they wore only T-shirts and sandals; other times neatly-tailored camouflage fatigues and aviator sunglasses. We were stopped by border guards, army people, policemen, customs and immigration officials, agriculture and narcotics inspectors, plain clothes detectives – anyone who could throw a log, a rope or a nail-studded board across the road. Each had his own particular interest in our documents, movements, and motivations.

Weapons are usually displayed prominently at the road blocks. You cannot ignore a checkpoint. Dave and Helen frequently must wait as some guy drinks a coke sitting under a tree, ever so slowly flipping through every page of all nineteen passports. Here is a typical exchange between one of these officials and our driver, Dave.

Official: “Where are you going?”
Dave: “Lagos.”
Official: Where are you coming from?”
Dave: “Benin.”
Official: “What is your purpose?”
Dave: “Tourism.”
Official: “Give us a gift.”
Dave: “Are you corrupt?”
Official: (hah, hah) “Oh no, we just want to be friends.”
Dave: “Fine, but no money. Can we go now?”
Official: “No, I must see passports.”
Dave: “This is the eighth checkpoint in the last 13 kilometers. Each one looked at our passports. Why are these so many checkpoints?”
Official: “Security.”
Dave: “Can we go now?”
Official: “Then you have something for me?”
Dave: “Yes, a big smile.”
Official: “Nothing else?”
Dave: Absolutely nothing! Can we go now?”
Official: “OK.”
Dave: “See you later.”

Sometimes we could see several roadblocks at once stretched before us in the road. It was ridiculous. Progress was slow. Dave put black shoe polish on the frames for the window mirrors to prevent officials from climbing up using the mirrors for handholds.

The members of the group organized a Nigerian checkpoint contest. To win you must guess the total number of road blocks that stop us in Nigeria. Wave-throughs don’t count and there must be a verbal exchange. A roadblock or checkpoint is defined as follows:

  • There must be some sort of barrier in the roadway.
  • Men in or out of uniform must flag us down.
  • Weapons must be visible (waving them is OK but no shooting so we can distinguish a roadblock from a robbery).

Nigeria to Cameroon

Well, we were never robbed outright although dealing with Nigerian officialdom often gave one that impression. The checkpoint contest was won by none other than yours truly. In eleven days the truck encountered 37 checkpoints and 25 wave-throughs. And this tally did not include a final worry when we exited Nigeria. This is a long, sad story so you may as well get comfortable.

Mike was an Australian citizen who quit his job teaching English in Nagoya, Japan to relocate to an Israeli kibbutz. To ease the transition he signed up with Dragoman to go overland from Ghana to Nairobi, an eleven week journey through central Africa.

Dragoman informed Mike that he needed to obtain visas for Ghana, Cameroon and Nigeria in advance. He dutifully requested application forms from all three embassies in Japan. Ghana and Cameroon readily complied but nothing was heard from the Nigerians. Thus, two weeks before his departure, Mike finally called the Nigerian embassy in Tokyo. Little did he know that his ability for world class sucking up was about to take a quantum leap upward.

It was too late to get the visa from the Nigerian embassy in Australia and Dragoman said it could do nothing in London. Maybe he could overfly Nigeria, they suggested. So when Mike called the embassy, he tried to ask the right questions.

“What do I need to submit to get a Nigerian visa?”
“A visa application and personal history form.”
“Do I need anything else?””No.”

“Are you sure?””Yes.”

“What about a driver’s license?””No.”

“An immunization card?””No”

“A photography licence?””No”

“A barber’s license?””No.”

Later he called the embassy again to verify its address and was informed that mail-in applications were not accepted. Mike immediately called his travel agent in Nagoya who quoted him a fee of $200 for sending the necessary documents to an agent for hand delivery to the Nigerian embassy. Since the loss of a day’s wages and a round trip ticket to Tokyo on the bullet train would cost at least that much, he agreed.

“What about a letter of recommendation and proof of financial means?”
“No, they don’t want anything like that!”

The agent forwarded the documents which were promptly rejected by the embassy.

“We must see a letter of recommendation from your company, a description of your itinerary, your return ticket, and $200 for each day you plan to stay in Nigeria.”

Mike shifted into panic mode putting this documentation together. He even had his parents in Australia write a letter stating what a wonderful son he was and how he had always looked forward to visiting Nigeria.

Other requirements were not so easy to solve. For example, to produce the $2000 he needed for a ten day visa, he found a friend with that amount in the bank, borrowed it, converted it to traveler’s checks, and sent the checks to Tokyo by courier. After the embassy looked at the money, the entire procedure was reversed. (Mike’s personal funds had already been converted to local currencies that he would need on the trip).

A further complication was that Mike had already purchased a one way airline ticket from a discounter which was very difficult to change. However, a round trip ticket was eventually found at a price increase of $200 plus another $200 penalty for changing the original ticket so close to departure.

Through it all, Mike clung to his mantra: for every problem, there was a solution – whatever the Nigerians throw at me, I can handle it. With time running out, the embassy informed Mike it only processed visas on Wednesdays and Friday. Mike was flying out Wednesday. So he made emergency arrangements to pick up his passport from the Nigerian embassy on his way to the airport if the embassy could not finish processing his application on the preceding Friday.

The embassy came through on Friday, affording Mike peace of mind for four days. This assumes the rest of his life was in order despite the fact that he was relocating to the other side of the globe. So that is how a minor $40 expense mushroomed into $600 nightmare.

As the Dragoman truck approached Nigerian immigration to leave the country, Mike resigned himself to one final headache: he had a ten day visa and we had been in Nigeria for eleven days. But it was Mike’s lucky day as the border officials failed to notice the discrepancy. They requested only a single gratuity – a pen – which Mike quickly provided.

There is a point to this lengthy dissertation. Don’t underestimate African border crossings or under-appreciate the efforts of anyone who helps you get across.


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Posted by admin - February 25, 2015 at 7:22 am

Categories: Article   Tags: border, crossings, equatoria

How to recreate these Oscars-inspired hairstyles



The celebs brought their fashion A-game to last night’s 87th Academy Awards – especially when it came to the red carpet hair! And since we’re always looking for a little “hair-spiration,” Melissa and Cynthia decided to give these Oscar-inspired hairstyles a shot.
Here are the how-to steps to help you try these looks at home, courtesy of our hairstylist Jordy. Let’s get started.
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Melissa’s inspiration: Marion Cotillard’s updoMelInspiration-WEB.jpg

  1. Make a deep side part and leave a front section of your hair loose.
  2. Pull the rest of your hair into a low-slung, messy bun. Jordy says to place the bun on the side that is opposite from your hair part.
  3. Slowly start to twist the loose section of hair towards the crown of your head.
  4. Use the leftover hair from your twist and wrap it around the bun. Secure with a few bobby pins.
  5. Give it a spritz of hairspray and you’re all set!

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Cynthia’s inspiration: Gwyneth Paltrow



  1. Start by blow-drying and then, flat-ironing your hair to get it nice and sleek. You can use a shine serum or shine spray to achieve the glossy look. The key is shine, shine, shine!
  2. Part your hair to the side.
  3. Section off two pieces of your hair — on both sides of the head. Keep them loose.
  4. Next, isolate a loose section of hair at the crown of your head. It should look like the makings of a hair bump.
  5. Pull the two front sections into a tight ponytail. Keep the ponytail under the loose top section of hair.
  6. Let the loose top section hang over your ponytail and voila! Stylist Tip: Smooth out any loose ends with a dab of gel to get a really straight look.

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Posted by admin - February 24, 2015 at 12:54 pm

Categories: Article   Tags: , oscars-inspired, , these

Overseas Hindi movies Earnings more than 100 crores

Overseas Hindi movies Earnings more than 100 crores (Figures in Ind Rs)

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Rank Film Year United Kingdom North America Rest of Overseas Total Verdict
1 Kabhi Alvida Na Kehna 2006 17,50,00,000 15,00,00,000 12,00,00,000 44,50,00,000 All Time Blockbuster
2 Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham 2001 17,00,00,000 14,75,00,000 5,00,00,000 36,75,00,000 All Time Blockbuster
3 Om Shanti Om 2007 10,50,00,000 14,50,00,000 11,00,00,000 36,00,00,000 Blockbuster
4 Veer Zaara 2004 15,25,00,000 14,00,00,000 6,50,00,000 35,75,00,000 All Time Blockbuster
5 Don 2006 12,50,00,000 10,00,00,000 9,50,00,000 32,00,00,000 Blockbuster
6 Dhoom 2 2006 10,00,00,000 11,75,00,000 10,00,00,000 31,75,00,000 Blockbuster
7 Jodhaa Akbar 2008 8,00,00,000 13,75,00,000 9,50,00,000 31,25,00,000 Super Hit
8 Devdas 2002 12,00,00,000 13,00,00,000 4,00,00,000 29,00,00,000 Blockbuster
9 Fanaa 2006 10,00,00,000 9,75,00,000 8,00,00,000 27,75,00,000 Super Hit
10 Kal Ho Na Ho 2003 12,75,00,000 9,50,00,000 4,50,00,000 26,75,00,000 Blockbuster
11 Kuch Kuch Hota Hai 1998 10,75,00,000 9,00,00,000 3,00,00,000 22,75,00,000 All Time Blockbuster
12 Salaam-E-Ishq 2007 7,00,00,000 9,00,00,000 6,25,00,000 22,25,00,000 Hit
13 Lage Raho Munnabhai 2006 7,00,00,000 10,25,00,000 5,00,00,000 22,25,00,000 Super Hit
14 Rang De Basanti 2006 6,50,00,000 10,00,00,000 5,00,00,000 21,50,00,000 Super Hit
15 Race 2008 7,00,00,000 5,75,00,000 7,50,00,000 20,25,00,000 Hit
16 Welcome 2007 7,25,00,000 4,50,00,000 7,50,00,000 19,25,00,000 Hit
17 Krrish 2006 6,00,00,000 8,00,00,000 5,00,00,000 19,00,00,000 Semi Hit
18 Baabul 2006 8,25,00,000 5,00,00,000 5,50,00,000 18,75,00,000 Hit
19 Main Hoon Na 2004 7,25,00,000 8,25,00,000 3,00,00,000 18,50,00,000 Super Hit
20 Namastey London 2007 7,00,00,000 5,00,00,000 6,50,00,000 18,50,00,000 Hit
21 Guru 2007 4,25,00,000 9,25,00,000 4,50,00,000 18,00,00,000 Hit
22 Salaam Namaste 2005 6,50,00,000 6,40,00,000 5,00,00,000 17,90,00,000 Super Hit
23 Dilwale Dulhania Le Jayenge 1995 9,00,00,000 6,50,00,000 2,00,00,000 17,50,00,000 All Time Blockbuster
24 Partner 2007 6,25,00,000 5,00,00,000 6,00,00,000 17,25,00,000 Hit
25 Heyy Babyy 2007 5,75,00,000 6,00,00,000 5,50,00,000 17,25,00,000 Hit
26 Mohabbatein 2000 7,25,00,000 7,25,00,000 2,50,00,000 17.00,00,000 Super Hit
27 Hum Aapke Hain Kaun 1994 8,00,00,000 6,00,00,000 1,50,00,000 15,50,00,000 All Time Blockbuster
28 Ta Ra Rum Pum 2007 6,25,00,000 3,75,00,000 5,50,00,000 15,50,00,000 Semi Hit
29 Bhool Bhulaiyaa 2007 5,50,00,000 4,50,00,000 5,00,00,000 15,00,00,000 Hit
30 Dil To Pagal Hai 1997 7,50,00,000 5,25,00,000 2,00,00,000 14,75,00,000 Blockbuster
31 Waqt 2005 7,00,00,000 4,50,00,000 3,00,00,000 14,50,00,000 Hit
32 Hum Saath Saath Hain 1999 3,75,00,000 9,00,00,000 1,50,00,000 14,25,00,000 Hit
33 Taal 1999 3,50,00,000 9,00,00,000 1,25,00,000 13,75,00,000 Hit
34 Laaga Chunari Mein Daag 2007 5,75,00,000 2,75,00,000 5,00,00,000 13,50,00,000 Above Average
35 Jhoom Barabar Jhoom 2007 5,25,00,000 3,25,00,000 4,50,00,000 13,00,00,000 Average
36 Paheli 2005 4,50,00,000 6,30,00,000 2,50,00,000 13,30,00,000 Semi Hit
37 Dosti 2005 7,00,00,000 2,50,00,000 3,00,00,000 12,50,00,000 Hit
38 Baghban 2003 5,65,00,000 5,30,00,000 1,40,00,000 12,35,00,000 Hit
39 Eklavya 2007 3,25,00,000 6,00,00,000 3,00,00,000 12,25,00,000 Above Average
40 Chalte Chalte 2003 5,90,00,000 4,75,00,000 1,50,00,000 12,15,00,000 Hit
41 Chak De India 2007 3,50,00,000 4,75,00,000 3,50,00,000 11,75,00,000 Above Average
42 Taare Zameen Par 2007 2,75,00,000 4,75,00,000 4,25,00,000 11,75,00,000 Semi Hit
43 Mangal Pandey: The Rising 2005 5,10,00,000 4,15,00,000 2,25,00,000 11,50,00,000 Average
44 Main Prem Ki Diwani Hoon 2003 4,15,00,000 5,90,00,000 1,25,00,000 11,30,00,000 Semi Hit
45 Bunty Aur Babli 2005 4,60,00,000 4,15,00,000 2,50,00,000 11,25,00,000 Semi Hit
46 Bhagam Bhag 2006 4,25,00,000 3,75,00,000 3,25,00,000 11,25,00,000 Above Average
47 Hum Tumhare Hain Sanam 2002 4,35,00,000 5,50,00,000 1,25,00,000 11,10,00,000 Hit
48 Jaan-E-Mann 2006 4,30,00,000 3,25,00,000 3,50,00,000 11,05,00,000 Flop
49 Mujhse Dosti Karoge 2002 5,80,00,000 3,95,00,000 1,20,00,000 10,95,00,000 Hit
50 Mujhse Shaadi Karogi 2004 5,00,00,000 4,40,00,000 1,50,00,000 10,90,00,000 Semi Hit
51 Garam Masala 2005 4,85,00,000 3,50,00,000 2,50,00,000 10,85,00,000 Semi Hit
52 U Me Aur Hum 2008 3,50,00,000 4,25,00,000 3,00,00,000 10,75,00,000 Above Average
53 Umrao Jaan 2006 3,65,00,000 4,25,00,000 2,75,00,000 10,65,00,000 Average
54 Omkara 2006 2,50,00,000 5,75,00,000 1,75,00,000 10,00,00,000 Average
55 Sarkar Raj 2008 3,00,00,000 4,00,00,000 3,25,00,000 10,00,00,000 Flop
56 Swades 2004 5,80,00,000 2,75,00,000 1,20,00,000 9,75,00,000 Average
57 Hum Tum 2004 4,80,00,000 3,80,00,000 1,50,00,000 9,70,00,000 Hit
58 Apne 2007 4,75,00,000 1,75,00,000 3,00,00,000 9,50,00,000 Semi Hit
59 Koi Mil Gaya 2003 5,00,00,000 3,25,00,000 1,00,00,000 9,25,00,000 Semi Hit
60 Yaadein 2001 3,00,00,000 5,20,00,000 90,00,000 9,10,00,000 Above Average
61 Maine Pyaar Kyun Kiya 2005 4,10,00,000 3,00,00,000 2,00,00,000 9,10,00,000 Above Average
62 Phir Hera Pheri 2006 4,00,00,000 2,50,00,000 2,50,00,000 9,00,00,000 Above Average
63 Lagaan 2001 4,05,00,000 4,00,00,000 80,00,000 8,85,00,000 Semi Hit
64 Kaante 2002 2,85,00,000 5,10,00,000 85,00,000 8,80,00,000 Above Average
65 Saawariya 2007 2,50,00,000 3,75,00,000 2,50,00,000 8,75,00,000 Flop
66 Black 2005 3,90,00,000 3,30,00,000 1,50,00,000 8,70,00,000 Above Average
67 Parineeta 2005 3,60,00,000 3,50,00,000 1,50,00,000 8,60,00,000 Above Average
68 Hum Dil De Chuke Sanam 1999 2,10,00,000 5,65,00,000 80,00,000 8,55,00,000 Semi Hit
69 Cheeni Kum 2007 3,25,00,000 3,00,00,000 2,25,00,000 8,50,00,000 Hit
70 Aaja Nachle 2007 3,50,00,000 2,00,00,000 3,00,00,000 8,50,00,000 Below Average
71 Dil Se 1998 3,30,00,000 4,25,00,000 75,00,000 8,30,00,000 Hit
72 No Entry 2005 3,30,00,000 3,00,00,000 2,00,00,000 8,30,00,000 Average
73 Bewafaa 2005 4,25,00,000 2,00,00,000 2,00,00,000 8,25,00,000 Average
74 Jab We Met 2007 3,50,00,000 2,00,00,000 2,50,00,000 8,00,00,000 Hit
75 Kismat Konnection 2008 2,25,00,000 2,25,00,000 3,50,00,000 8,00,00,000 Average
76 Humko Deewana Kar Gaye 2006 4,00,00,000 1,25,00,000 2,50,00,000 7,75,00,000 Below Average
77 Jaane Tu… Ya Jaane Na 2008 1,10,00,000 2,50,00,000 3,00,00,000 7,60,00,000 Hit
78 Asoka 2001 3,40,00,000 3,30,00,000 80,00,000 7,50,00,000 Average
79 Tashan 2008 3,00,00,000 1,75,00,000 2,50,00,000 7,25,00,000 Flop
80 Hum Aapke Dil Mein Rehte Hain 1999 3,35,00,000 3,00,00,000 70,00,000 7,05,00,000 Hit
81 Barsaat 2005 3,75,00,000 1,50,00,000 1,75,00,000 7,00,00,000 Semi Hit
82 Lakshya 2004 2,20,00,000 3,65,00,000 1,00,00,000 6,85,00,000 Below Average
83 Bluffmaster 2005 2,00,00,000 3,15,00,000 1,50,00,000 6,65,00,000 Average
84 Chup Chup Ke 2006 2,85,00,000 1,50,00,000 2,00,00,000 6,35,00,000 Semi Hit
85 Shakti-The Power 2002 1,90,00,000 3,85,00,000 50,00,000 6,25,00,000 Average
86 36 China Town 2006 2,75,00,000 1,50,00,000 2,00,00,000 6,25,00,000 Average
87 Refugee 2000 2,25,00,000 3,25,00,000 55,00,000 6,05,00,000 Average

       *Currency rates used at time of release


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Posted by admin - February 24, 2015 at 12:44 pm

Categories: Article   Tags: earnings, hindi, more, movies, overseas,

Lifetime High earning Worldwide of 100 crores Hindi Movies (In US $ )

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Lifetime Worldwide In US $  |
Lifetime High earning Worldwide of Hindi Movies (In US $ )

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Top Lifetime Grossers Worldwide (IND Rs)

Rank Film Year India Gross Overseas Gross Worldwide Gross
1 Three Idiots 2009 269,50,00,000 69,98,00,000 339,48,00,000
2 Ghajini 2008 155,00,00,000 34,45,00,000 189,45,00,000
3 My Name Is Khan 2010 96,75,00,000 86,00,00,000 182,75,00,000
4 Rab Ne Bana Di Jodi 2008 117,00,00,000 40,89,00,000 157,89,00,000
5 Dhoom 2 2006 111,75,00,000 38,02,00,000 149,77,00,000
6 Om Shanti Om 2007 110,50,00,000 39,28,00,000 148,52,00,000
7 Raajneeti 2010 124,25,00,000 18,86,00,000 143,11,00,000
8 Hum Aapke Hain Kaun 1994 123,00,00,000 11,91,00,000 134,91,00,000
9 Gadar Ek Prem Katha 2001 130,25,00,000 4,50,00,000 134,75,00,000
10 Singh Is Kinng 2008 91,75,00,000 33,14,00,000 124,89,00,000
11 Dilwale Dulhania Le Jayenge 1995 106,50,00,000 15,76,00,000 122,26,00,000
12 Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham 2001 78,50,00,000 38,79,00,000 117,29,00,000
13 Love Aaj Kal 2009 89,00,00,000 30,61,00,000 119,61,00,000
14 Lage Raho Munnabhai 2006 95,00,00,000 23,57,00,000 118,57,00,000
15 Krrish 2006 97,00,00,000 20,19,00,000 117,19,00,000
16 Welcome 2007 95,00,00,000 21,13,00,000 116,13,00,000
17 Housefull 2010 95,50,00,000 18,99,00,000 114,49,00,000
18 Kabhi Alvida Na Kehna 2006 63,50,00,000 49,64,00,000 113,14,00,000
19 Jodhaa Akbar 2008 82,50,00,000 29,92,00,000 112,42,00,000
20 Race 2008 85,50,00,000 20,10,00,000 105,60,00,000
21 Don 2006 71,25,00,000 33,41,00,000 104,66,00,000
22 Fanaa 2006 72,50,00,000 31,64,00,000 104,14,00,000
23 Chak De India 2007 87,50,00,000 16,15,00,000 103,65,00,000
24 Kuch Kuch Hota Hai 1998 76,75,00,000 26,63,00,000 103,38,00,000
25 Partner 2007 85,75,00,000 17,11,00,000 102,86,00,000
26 Ajab Prem Ki Ghazab Kahani 2009 83,75,00,000 12,88,00,000 96,63,00,000
27 Veer Zaara 2004 58,00,00,000 36,22,00,000 94,22,00,000
28 Rang De Basanti 2006 71,00,00,000 21,57,00,000 92,57,00,000
29 Wanted 2009 81,25,00,000 10,06,00,000 91,31,00,000
30 Taare Zameen Par 2007 75,50,00,000 13,47,00,000 88,97,00,000
31 Kites 2010 65,00,00,000 22,92,00,000 87,92,00,000
32 Raja Hindustani 1996 85,00,00,000 2,15,00,000 87,15,00,000
33 Dostana 2008 60,00,00,000 26,19,00,000 86,19,00,000
34 Devdas 2002 53,50,00,000 30,80,00,000 84,30,00,000
35 Kambakkht Ishq 2009 63,75,00,000 20,46,00,000 84,21,00,000
36 Bhool Bhulaiyaa 2007 68,75,00,000 15,29,00,000 84,04,00,000
37 Heyy Babyy 2007 66,25,00,000 17,44,00,000 83,69,00,000
38 Jaane Tu… Ya Jaane Na 2008 77,00,00,000 6,20,00,000 83,20,00,000
39 Guru 2007 61,50,00,000 19,74,00,000 81,24,00,000
40 De Dana Dan 2008 64,25,00,000 16,12,00,000 80,37,00,000
41 Golmaal Returns 2008 69,75,00,000 9,50,00,000 79,25,00,000
42 Koi Mil Gaya 2003 68,00,00,000 11,20,00,000 79,20,00,000
43 New York 2009 61,75,00,000 16,32,00,000 78,07,00,000
44 Kal Ho Naa Ho 2003 50,75,00,000 27,20,00,000 77,95,00,000
45 Mohabbatein 2000 54,25,00,000 19,86,00,000 74,11,00,000
46 I Hate Luv Storys 2010 58,75,00,000 13,77,00,000 72,52,00,000
47 No Entry 2005 61,75,00,000 9,25,00,000 71,00,00,000
48 Phir Hera Pheri 2006 58,50,00,000 12,48,00,000 70,98,00,000
49 Kaminey 2009 56,00,00,000 14,75,00,000 70,75,00,000
50 Bhagam Bhag 2006 55,50,00,000 13,29,00,000 68,79,00,000
51 Main Hoon Na 2004 48,00,00,000 19,82,00,000 67,82,00,000
52 Kaho Naa Pyaar Hai 2000 61,50,00,000 5,90,00,000 67,40,00,000
53 Namastey London 2007 47,00,00,000 17,82,00,000 64,82,00,000
54 Ta Ra Rum Pum 2007 48,75,00,000 15,89,00,000 64,64,00,000
55 Bunty Aur Babli 2005 50,50,00,000 12,70,00,000 63,20,00,000
56 Border 1997 61,00,00,000 1,80,00,000 62,80,00,000
57 Blue 2009 52,50,00,000 10,18,00,000 62,68,00,000
58 Bachna Ae Haseeno 2008 49,75,00,000 12,41,00,000 62,16,00,000
59 Hum Saath Saath Hain 1999 46,50,00,000 15,53,00,000 62,03,00,000
60 All The Best 2009 56,00,00,000 3,93,00,000 59,93,00,000
61 Sarkar Raj 2008 47,50,00,000 11,96,00,000 59,46,00,000
62 Veer 2010 49,75,00,000 8,83,00,000 58,58,00,000
63 Dil To Pagal Hai 1997 48,00,00,000 13,11,00,000 58,11,00,000
64 Lagaan 2001 47,00,00,000 10,80,00,000 57,80,00,000
65 Salaam Namaste 2005 37,00,00,000 20,00,00,000 57,00,00,000
66 Mujhse Shaadi Karogi 2004 43,00,00,000 13,48,00,000 56,48,00,000
67 Chandni Chowk to China 2009 40,75,00,000 14,72,00,000 55,47,00,000
68 Mangal Pandey 2005 40,50,00,000 14,51,00,000 55,01,00,000
69 Vivah 2006 49,00,00,000 4,90,00,000 53,90,00,000
70 Karan Arjun 1995 52,00,00,000 1,61,00,000 53,61,00,000
71 Garam Masala 2005 38,75,00,000 13,56,00,000 52,31,00,000



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Posted by admin - February 24, 2015 at 12:40 pm

Categories: Article   Tags: crores, earning, , hindi, lifetime, worldwide

Top Worldwide Grossers ALL TIME: 37 Films Hit 100 Crore

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Top Worldwide Grossers ALL TIME: 37 Films Hit 100 Crore

The biggest Worldwide grossers in the history of Hindi film industry are listed below. One film has crossed 300 crore. Six films have hit the 200 crore mark while 37 films have hit the 100 crore mark including Agneepath which has grossed 136 crore Worldwide in one week and has chances to hit the blue chip 200 crore mark.  All figures are worldwide gross figures.

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1. Three Idiots (2009) – 385 crore

2. Bodyguard (2011) – 230 crore

3. Dabangg (2010) – 215 crore

4. Don 2* (2011) – 206 crore

5. Ra.One* (2011) – 202 crore

6. My Name Is Khan (2010) – 200 crore

7. Ghajini (2008) –  190 crore

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8. Ready (2011) – 184 crore

9. Golmaal 3 (2010) – 167 crore

10. Rab Ne Bana Di Jodi (2008) – 158 crore

11. Zindagi Na Milegi Dobara – 153 crore

12. Dhoom 2 (2006) – 150 crore

13. Om Shanti Om (2007) – 149 crore

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14. Raajneeti (2010) – 143 crore

15. Singham (2011) – 140 crore

16. Hum Aapke Hain Kaun (1994) – 135 crore

17. Gadar Ek Prem Katha (2001) – 135 crore

18. Singh Is Kinng (2008) – 125 crore

19. Dilwale Dulhania Le Jayenge (1995) – 122 crore

20. Love Aaj Kal (2009) – 120  crore

21. Lage Raho Munnabhai (2006) – 119 crore

22. Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham (2001) – 117 crore

23. Krissh (2006) – 117 crore

24. Welcome (2007) – 116 crore

25. Housefull (2010) – 115 crore

26. The Dirty Picture* (2011) – 114 crore

27. Kabhi Alvida Na Kehna (2006) – 113 crore

28. Jodhaa Akbar (2008) – 112 crore

29. Rockstar (2011) – 108 crore

30. Race (2008) – 106 crore

31. Don (2006) – 105 crore

32. Fanaa (2006) – 104 crore

33. Chak De India (2007) – 103 crore

34. Kuch Kuch Hota Hai (2998) – 103 crore

35. Partner (2007) – 103 crore

36. Tees Maar Khan – 100 crore

* Hindi Only




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Posted by admin - February 24, 2015 at 12:32 pm

Categories: Article   Tags: crore, films, grossers, , worldwide

Top Indian Actress from 1940 to 2009

Top Actress

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Year Actor Major Succeses Notes
2009 Kareena Kapoor Three Idiots Kareena Kapoor and Katrina Kaif dominate. Kareena Kapoor has a mega blockbuster with Three Idiots while Katrina Kaif has a big hit with Ajab Prem Ki Ghazab Kahani and hit with New York. Deepika Padukone comes into top three with Love Aaj Kal. Priyanka Chopra has a moderate hit with Kaminey.
Katrina Kaif Ajab Prem Ki Ghazab Kahani, New York
Deepika Padukone Love Aaj Kal
2008 Kareena Kapoor Golmaal Returns Kareena Kapoor remains on top and also has a big hit in Golmaal Returns. Katrina Kaif is a mass favourite with huge hits like Singh Is Kinng and Race. Aishwarya Rai has a good hit with Jodhaa Akbar. Priyanka Chopra has an average success in Fashion but the film is heroine orientated and it gives her career a boost after super duds like Drona and Love Story 2050.
Katrina Kaif Singh Is Kinng Race
Aishwarya Rai Jodhaa Akbar
2007 Kareena Kapoor Jab We Met Kareena Kapoor scores big as Jab We Met is a big hit and is the highest paid actress at more than 3 crore. Rani Mukherjee has Ta Ra Rum Pum which does decent business but flops like Laaga Chunari Mein Daag and Saawariya dent her position. Vidya Balan and Katrina Kaif star in many hits. Deepika Padukone is a star with Om Shanti Om.
Rani Mukherjee Ta Ra Rum Pum
Aishwarya Rai Guru
2006 Rani Mukherjee Kabhi Alvida Na Kehna Rani Mukherjee and Preity Zinta swap places as earlier it was the latter getting the main lead starring the two but now its the former. Aishwarya Rai scores big with Dhoom 2 while Priyanka Chopra has Krrish and Don. Approx rumeration Aishwarya Rai-1.75 crore Preity Zinta/Rani Mukherjee-1.50 crore Kareena Kapoor/ Priyanka Chopra 1.25 crore
Preity Zinta Kabhi Alvida Na Kehna
Aishwarya Rai Dhoom 2
2005 Preity Zinta Salaam Namaste The Yashraj heroines Preity Zinta and Rani Mukherjee have the successes while Kareena Kapoor and Aishwarya Rai remain the highest paid. Priyanka Chopra is the only other heroine making a an impact with moderate successes like Waqt and Barsaat.
Rani Mukherjee Bunty Aur Babli
Kareena Kapoor
2004 Preity Zinta Veer Zaara Veer Zaara is Preity Zinta’s third big grosser in two years. Kareena Kapoor has only Hulchul but is still the highest paid actress. Approx rumeration Kareena Kapoor-1 crore Aishwarya Rai-80 lakhs Preity Zinta-80 lakhs Rani Mukerjee-60 lakhs.
Rani Mukherjee Veer Zaara, Hum Tum
Kareena Kapoor Hulchul
2003 Preity Zinta Koi Mil Gaya, Kal Ho Na Ho Preity Zinta goes to the top with the superhit Koi Mil Gaya and hit Kal ho Na Ho. Rani Mukherjee makes a comeback with Chalte Chalte.
Kareena Kapoor
Rani Mukherjee Chalte Chalte
2002 Kareena Kapoor Aishwarya Rai has a hit in Devdas. Madhuri Dixit also has a outright hit in Devdas after 5 years. Approx rumeration Kareena Kapoor-1 crore Aishwarya Rai-80 lakhs Preity Zinta-50 lakhs Rani Mukerjee-40 lakhs.
Aishwarya Rai Devdas
Preity Zinta
2001 Kareena Kapoor Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham, Mujhe Kuch Kehna Hai, Ajnabee Kareena Kapoor goes to the top with the hit Mujhe Kuch Kehna Hai and superhit Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham.She also has the moderate success Ajnabee. Back to back mega blockbusters Gadar Ek Prem Katha and Kaho Naa Pyaar Hai make Amisha Patel a star.
Aishwarya Rai
Preity Zinta Chori Chori Chupke Chupke
2000 Aishwarya Rai Mohabbatein, Josh, Hamaara Dil Aapke Paas Hai Aishwarya Rai hits the top as Karisma Kapoor’s films fail and Kajol stops signing films.She has good successes in Mohabbatein and Josh while Hamaara Dil Aapke Paas Hai is a moderate success. Preity Zinta becomes a star with the success of Kya Kehna.
Karisma Kapoor
Preity Zinta Kya Kehna, Mission Kashmir
1999 Karisma Kapoor Hum Saath Saath Hain, Biwi No1, Haseena Maan Jayegi, Jaanwar Karisma Kapoor delivers 4 successes including big hit Biwi No1. Aishwarya Rai becomes a star with Hum Dil De Chuke Sanam and Taal. Approx rumeration Karisma Kapoor-50 lakhs Kajol-50 lakhs Aishwarya Rai-40 lakhs Rani Mukerjee-25 lakhs.
Kajol Hum Aapke Dil Mein Rehte Hain
Aishwarya Rai Hum Dil De Chuke Sanam, Taal
1998 Kajol Kuch Kuch Hota Hai, Pyaar To Hona Hi Tha, Pyaar Kiya To Darna Kya Kajol reigns supreme with Kuch Kuch Hota Hai,Pyaar To Hona Hi Tha and Pyaar Kiya To Darna Kya. Rani Mukherjee becomes a star with the all time blockbuster Kuch Kuch Hota Hai. She also has a more moderate success in Ghulam.
Karisma Kapoor
Rani Mukherjee Kuch Kuch Hota Hai, Ghulam
1997 Karisma Kapoor Dil To Pagal Hai, Hero No1, Judwaa Karisma Kapoor continues with he run of hits. Madhuri Dixit has a big hit in Dil To Pagal Hai after many flops. Sridevi has a major success after 8 years in Judaai.
Madhuri Dixit Dil To Pagal Hai
Kajol Gupt, Ishq
1996 Karisma Kapoor Raja Hindustani, Saajan Chale Sasural, Jeet Karisma Kapoor’s big success with Raja Hindustani, Saajan Chale Sasural and Jeet coupled with Madhuri Dixit’s big failures like Prem Granth and Rajkumar put Karisma Kapoor on top.
Madhuri Dixit
1995 Madhuri Dixit Raja Kajol is in top league with the all time blockbuster Dilwale Dulhania Le Jayenge and blockbuster Karan Arjun. Approx rumeration  Madhuri Dixit-50 lakhs Sridevi-25 lakhs Juhi Chawla-25 lakhs Kajol-20 lakhs
Kajol Dilwale Dulhania Le Jayenge, Karan Arjun
Juhi Chawla
1994 Madhuri Dixit Hum Aapke Hain Kaun Madhuri Dixit hits her peak with box office record breaker Hum Aapke Hain Kaun. Raveena Tandon is a star with hits like Mohra and Dilwale
Juhi Chawla
Raveena Tandon Mohra, Dilwale
1993 Madhuri Dixit Khalnayak Juhi Chawla hits the big league with films like Darr,Hum Hain Rahi Pyar Ke and Lootere. Anari makes Karisma Kapoor a star. Approx rumeration Madhuri Dixit-30 lakhs Sridevi-25 lakhs Juhi Chawla-20 lakhs
Juhi Chawla Darr, Hum Hain Rahi Pyar Ke, Lootere
1992 Madhuri Dixit Beta Beta is a huge superhit for Madhuri Dixit Divya Bharti emerges a star with Deewana and Shola Aur Shabnam. Sridevi’s Khuda Gawah is another box office disappointment for her while her other release Heer Ranjha is a commercial disaster.
Divya Bharti Deewana, Shola Aur Shabnam
1991 Madhuri Dixit Saajan The failure of Sridevi starrer Lamhe coupled with the super success of Saajan takes Madhuri Dixit to the top. Manisha Koirala emerges a star with Saudagar.
Meenakshi Sheshadari
1990 Sridevi   Madhuri Dixit has another great year which includes the superhit Dil. Meenakshi Sheshadari also has a good year with Ghayal and Ghar Ho To Aisa. Approx rumeration Sridevi-30 lakhs Madhuri Dixit-25 lakhs Meenakshi Sheshadari-12 lakhs Juhi Chawla-8 lakhs
Madhuri Dixit Dil, Kishen Kanhaiya, Thaanedaar
Meenakshi Sheshadari Ghayal, Ghar Ho To Aisa
1989 Sridevi Chandni, Chaalbaaz Sridevi hits her peak with films like Chandni and Chaalbaaz. Madhuri Dixit follows up her 1988 mega hit Tezaab with two more superhits in Ram Lakhan and Tridev.
Madhuri Dixit Ram Lakhan, Tridev, Kanoon Apna Apna
Meenakshi Sheshadari
1988 Sridevi Waqt Ki Awaaz The blockbuster Tezaab makes Madhuri Dixit a star. Rekha also sees success in Khoon Bhari Maang. Juhi Chawla becomes a star with Qayamat Se Qayamat Tak
Meenakshi Sheshadari Shahenshah
Madhuri Dixit Tezaab
1987 Sridevi Mr India, Watan Ke Rakhwale, Jawab Hum Denge Sridevi continues her domination with Mr India.Watan Ke Rakhwale and Jawab Hum Denge also do well. Approx rumeration Sridevi-15 lakhs Meenakshi Sheshadari-8 lakhs Dimple Kapadia-8 lakhs Jaya Prada-6 lakhs.
Meenakshi Sheshadari Inaam Dus Hazaar
Dimple Kapadia Insaaniyat Ke Dushman, Insaaf
1986 Sridevi Karma, Nagina, Ghar Sansar Sridevi becomes the undisputed No1 with Nagina and Karma, Ghar Sansar also do well. Rekha makes a comeback with Insaaf Ki Awaaz.
Meenakshi Sheshadari Dilwaala
Rekha Insaaf Ki Awaaz
1985 Sridevi Meenakshi Sheshadari becomes a big star with films like Meri Jung and Aandhi Toofan. Dimple Kapadia has a hit in Arjun but the film she signed first as her comeback Saagar does not do too well.
Meenakshi Sheshadari Meri Jung, Aandhi Toofan
Hema Malini Ramkali, Aandhi Toofan
1984 Sridevi Maqsad, Tohfa, New actresses like Sridevi and Jaya Prada make an impact as the older heroines age. Dimple Kapadia makes a comeback after 11 years but her first release Zakhmi Sher does not do well.
Jaya Prada Shraaabi, Maqsad, Tohfa
Hema Malini
1983 Hema Malini Andhaa Kanoon, Justice Chaudhary Sridevi emerges a star with Himmatwala and other successes like Mawaali,Justice Chaudhury and Jaanidost. Meenakshi Sheshadri is a star with Hero. Hema Malini has Andhaa Kanoon and Justice Chaudhury but the ambitious Razia Sultan is a big loser.
Rekha Agar Tum Na Hote
Sridevi Himmatwala, Mawaali, Justice Chaudhury, Jaanidost
1982 Hema Malini Farz Aur Kanoon, Satte Pe Satta, Bhagavat Hema Malini has a big hit in Farz Aur Kanoon while Saate Pe Saata and Bhgavat do well. Ghazab and Jeevan Dhaara do well for Rekha but Umrao Jaan is a only a critical success, not a box office one. Reena Roy is a mass favourite with many successes. Padmini Kolhapure is a star with Prem Rog.
Rekha Ghazab, Jeevan Dhaara
Reena Roy Bhagavat, Jeeo Aur Jeene Do, Hathkadi, Sanam Teri Kasam, Dharam Kanta
1981 Hema Malini Kranti, Naseeb, Meri Awaaz Suno, Hema Malini delivers mega grossers in Kranti,Naseeb and Meri Awaaz Suno after 2 years with no big hits. Approx rumeration Hema Malini-15 lakhs Rekha-12 lakhs Zeenat Aman-10 lakhs Parveen Babi-8 lakhs Reena Roy-8 lakhs.
Rekha Ek Hi Bhool
Zeenat Aman Lawaaris, Kaatilon Ke Kaatil
1980 Rekha Judaai, Ram Balram, Maang Bharo Sajna, Khoobsurat Rekha goes to the top with hits like Maang Bharo Sajna,Judaai,Khoobsurat and Ram Balram. Zeenat Aman has a good year with the blockbuster Qurbani and hit Ram Balram Reena Roy delivers a mega blockbuster in Aasha.
Hema Malini Ali Baba Aur 40 Chor
Zeenat Aman Qurbani, Ram Balram, Ali Baba Aur 40 Chor, Insaaf Ka Tarazu
1979 Hema Malini Rekha has great commercial success with Jaani Dushman,Suhaag,Mr Natwarlal and Kartavya. Jaya Prada is a star with the megahit Sargam. Noorie is a superhit and makes Poonam Dhillon a star.
Rekha Suhaag, Jaani Dushman, Mr Natwarlal, Kartavya
Zeenat Aman
1978 Hema Malini Trishul, Azaad Muqaddar Ka Sikander takes Rekha into the top league.nNutan and Asha Parekh co star in the heroine orientated Main Tulsi Tere Aangan Ki which is a huge hit
Zeenat Aman Don
Rekha Muqaddar Ka Sikander, Ganga Ki Saugandh
1977 Hema Malini Chacha Bhatija, Dream Girl Hema Malini is at her peak as the very average film Dream G irl becomes a success.Approx rumeration Hema Malini-12 lakhs Zeenat Aman-7 lakhs Rekha-5 lakhs Neetu Singh-5 lakhs Parveen Babi-5 lakhs Reena Roy-5 lakhs.
Zeenat Aman Dharam Veer, Hum Kisise Kum Nahin
Neetu Singh Amar Akbar Anthony, Dharam Veer, Parvarish, Adaalat
1976 Hema Malini Dus Numbri, Charas, Aap Beati, Maa, Jaaneman Hema Malini continues her domination. Her record with Dharmendra sees 9 hits out of 12 films.The other 3 films are semi hits or above average. Reena Roy becomes a star with hits like Nagin and Kaalicharan.
Zeenat Aman
Reena Roy Nagin, Kaalicharan
1975 Hema Malini Sholay, Sanyasi, Pratiggya, Dharmatma, Khushboo, Do Thug Hema Malini has the best year of her career with record breaker Sholay,superhit Sanyasi and other hits in Pratiggya and Dharmatma. Neetu Singh is a star with the success of Khel Khel Mein and Rafoo Chakkar. Parveen Babi is a star with Deewaar.
Zeenat Aman Warrant, Chori Mera Kaam
Neetu Singh Deewaar, Khel Khel Mein, Rafoo Chakkar
1974 Hema Malini Dost, Prem Nagar, Amir Garib, Patthar Aur Payal Haath Ki Safaai, Kasauti Hema Malini reigns supreme with many hits. Mumtaz has a hat trick of successes but decides to quit due to marriage. Approx rumeration Hema Malini-6 lakhs Mumtaz-4 lakhs Zeenat Aman-3 lakhs.
Mumtaz Chor Machaye Shor, Roti, Aap Ki Kasam
Zeenat Aman Roti Kapada Aur Makaan
1973 Hema Malini Jugnu Zeenat Aman becomes a star with Yaadon Ki Baraat. Dimple Kapadia creates a sensation with Bobby but she stops working due to marriage. Rekha becomes a star with films like Dharma and Kahani Kismet Ki.
Mumtaz Loafer. Jheel Ke Us Paar
Zeenat Aman Yaadon Ki Baraat. Dhund
1972 Hema Malini Seeta Aur Geeta, Raja Jani, Gora Aur Kala, Bhai Ho To Aisa Seeta aur Geeta takes Hema Malini to the top.She also has other hits like Raja Jani and Gora Aur Kala. Pakeezah is declared a flop but eventually goes on to be a superhit after Meena Kumari’s death.
Mumtaz Apna Desh, Apradh, Sharaarat
Asha Parekh Samadhi
1971 Mumtaz Dushman, Hare Rama Hare Krishna Mumtaz reigns with hits like Dushman and Hare Rama Hare Krishna while Mala Sinha also has a major hit after three years with Maryada. Approx rumeration Mumtaz-4 lakhs Hema Malini-3 lakhs Asha Parekh-3 lakhs Sharmila Tagore-2.5 lakhs.
Hema Malini Andaz, Naya Zamaana
Asha Parekh Mera Gaon Mera Desh, Caravan
1970 Mumtaz Sachaa Jhutha, Khilona Mumtaz hits the top with the superhit Sachaa Jhutha and hit Khilona. Hema Malini becomes a star with the blockbuster Johny Mera Naam.She has two other hits in Sharafat and Tum Haseen Main Jawan. Rakhee is a star with Jeevan Mrityu.
Hema Malini Johny Mera Naam, Sharafat, Tum Haseen Main Jawan
Asha Parekh Kati Patang, Aan Milo Sajna
1969 Asha Parekh Aaya Sawan Jhoom Ke, Sajan, Chirag Asha Parekh continues to reign with the hit Aaya Sawan Jhoom Ke and the moderate success Chirag. Sadhana returns with the superhit Ek Phool Do Mali and hit Inteqaam. Mumtaz becomes a star with the blockbuster Do Raaste and she also has other successes.
Sadhana Ek Phool Do Mali, Inteqaam
Mumtaz Do Raaste, Bandhan, Jigri Dost
1968 Asha Parekh Shikar, Kanyadaan Mala Sinha makes a comeback with two superhits in Aankhen and Do Kaliyan. Asha Parekh has two solid hits in Shikar and Kanyadaan. Waheeda Rehman has her best period commercially with Neel Kamal following Ram Aur Shyam and Patthar Ke Sanam.
Mala Sinha Aankhen, Do Kaliyan
Waheeda Rehman Neel Kamal, Aadmi
1967 Asha Parekh Upkar Sadhana leaves the industry. Asha Parekh takes the vacant top spot after Sadhana leaves.She has a mega  blockbuster in Upkar. After the hit Guide in 1966 Waheeda Rehman has the superhit Ram aur Shyam and hit Patthar Ke Sanam.
Vyjayanthimala Jewel Thief
Waheeda Rahman Ram Aur Shyam, Patthar Ke Sanam
1966 Sadhana Mera Saaya Asha Parekh has an excellent year with the superhit Teesri Manzil and hits like Love In Tokyo,Do Badan and Aaye Din Bahar Ke. Vyjayanthimala has a blockbuster in Suraj but her big budget costume drama Amrapali is a big flop
Asha Parekh Teesri Manzil, Love In Tokyo, Do Badan, Aaye Din Bahar Ke
Vyjayanthimala Suraj
1965 Sadhana Waqt, Aarzoo The blockbusters Waqt and Arzoo take Sadhana to the top. The superhit Jab Jab Phool Kile and hit Gumnaam put Nanda into the top league. Meena Kumari makes a comeback with Kaajal while Himalay Ki God Mein is a huge hit for Mala Sinha
Mala Sinha Himalay Ki God Mein
1964 Vyjayanthimala Sangam, Zindagi Vyjayanthimala hits her peak with mega blockbuster Sangam. Sadhana continues her run of hits with Rajkumar and Woh Kaun Thi while Asha Parekh has another big hit in Ziddi. Sharmila Tagore becomes a star with Kashmir Ki Kali.
Sadhana Rajkumar, Woh Kaun Thi
Mala Sinha
1963 Vyjayanthimala Sadhana becomes a rage with the huge megahit Mere Mehboob. Mala Sinha has another good year with many successes. Asha Parekh has a huge hit in Phir Wohi Dil Laya Hoon and hits the top league.
Sadhana Mere Mehboob
Mala Sinha Gumrah, Gehra Daag, Bahurani, Phool Bane Angaarey
1962 Vyjayanthimala Mala Sinha has a great year with Hariyali aur Raasta,Dil Tera Deewana and Anpadh Sadhana hits the top league with hits Ek Musafir Ek Hasina and Asli Naqli. Waheeda Rehman sees tremendous commercial success in Bees Saal Baad.
Mala Sinha Hariyali Aur Raasta, Dil Tera Deewana, Anpadh
Sadhana Ek Musafir Ek Hasina, Asli Naqli
1961 Vyjayanthimala Ganga Jamuna, Aas Ka Panchi Hits like Gharana and Jab Pyar Kisi Se Hota Hai make Asha Parekh a star. Saira Bano is a star with superhit Junglee Madhubala is unable take advantage of her super success due to ill health. Vyjayanthimala reigns supreme with Ganga Jamuna and Aas Ka Panchi.
Madhubala Jhumroo
Meena Kumari Zindagi Aur Khwab
1960 Madhubala Mughal E Azam, Barsaat Ki Raat Mudhubala hits her peak with back to back blockbusters Mughal E Azam and Barsaat Ki Raat. Meena Kumari has two solid hits in Kohinoor and Dil Apna Preet Paraya. Sadhana is a star with the hit Love in Simla.
Meena Kumari Kohinoor, Dil Apna Aur Preet Paraya
1959 Vyjayanthimala Paigham Mala Sinha hits the big league with Dhool Ka Phool following her 1958 hits in Phir Subah Hogi and Parvarish. Anari and Sujata also put Nutan into the top league. Nanda becomes a star as she plays the tiltle role in Chhoti Bahen
Meena Kumari Chirag Kahan Roshni Kahan
1958 Vyjayanthimala Madhumati, Sadhana Vyjayanthimala goes to the top with the blockbuster Madhumati and hit Sadhana. Madhubala makes a grand comeback with the superhit Chalti Ka Naam Gaadi and has other successes like Phagun,Kala Pani and Howrah Bridge.
Madhubala Chalti Ka Naam Gaadi, Phagun, Kala Pani, Howrah Bridge
Meena Kumari Yahudi
1957 Nargis Mother India Nargis delivers Mother India which is the highest grossing film ever but also stops signing films. Vyjayanthimala has the blockbuster Naya Daur and hit Asha. Pyaasa takes Waheeda Rehman into the top league.
Vyjayantimala Naya Daur, Asha
Meena Kumari Sharada
1956 Nargis Chori Chori Nargis has a hit in Chori Chori as do Vyjayanthimala and Meena Kumari in New Delhi and Ek Hi Raasta respectively. The super success of CID makes Waheeda Rehman a star.
Vyjayanthimala New Delhi
Meena Kumari Ek Hi Raasta, Halaaku
1955 Nargis Shree 420 Shree 420 is a huge blockbuster for Nargis while Azaad is a superhit for Meena Kumari. Seema is a hit and it makes Nutan a star.
Meena Kumari Azaad
1954 Nargis Vyjayanthimala hits the big league with the blockbuster Nagin. Nalini Jaywant sees huge commercial success in Nastik.
Vyjayanthimala Nagin
Meena Kumari
1953 Nargis Vyjayanthimala becomes a star with the hit Ladki. Meena Kumari has critical and commercial success in Parineeta. Foothpath also does well.
Meena Kumari Parineeta, Footpath
Geeta Bali Jhamela
1952 Nargis Anhonee Anhonee is a hit for Nargis. Meena Kumari becomes a big star with the golden jubilee superhit Baiju Bawra. Geeta Bali has another superhit in Jaal after Baazi and Albela.
Geeta Bali Jaal
Meena Kumari Baiju Bawra
1951 Nargis Awaara, Deedar Nargis hits the top with the blockbuster Awaara and hit Deedar as Suraiya fades as films like Sanam and Do Sitare flop. Geeta Bali hits the big league with superhits Baazi and Albela. Anand Math is also a success for her.
Geeta Bali Baazi, Albela, Anand Math
Madhubala Baadal
1950 Suraiya Dastaan Suraiya scores with Dastaan but her other films do not fare that well. Samadhi and Sangram make Nalini Jaywant a star.
Nargis Babu,l Jogan
Madhubala Beqasoor
1949 Suraiya Dillagi, Badi Bahen Suraiya is a craze and hits her peak with hits like Diilagi and Badi Bahen. Nargis hits the big league with big superhits Andaz and Barsaat. Madhubala becomes a star with the superhit Mahal. Barsaat makes Nimmi a star.
Nargis Andaz, Barsaat
Madhubala Mahal
1948 Suraiya Pyar Ki Jeet Suraiya is on top after Noorjehan leaves. Kamini Kaushal hits the big league with the superhit Shaheed and hits Ziddi and Nadiya Ke Paar. Nargis becomes a star with the hit Mela. Geeta Bali becomes a star with the successful Suhaag Raat.
Kamini Kaushal Shaheed, Ziddi, Nadiya Ke Paar
Nargis Mela
1947 Noorjehan Jugnu, Mirza Sahibaan Noorjehan moves to Pakistan after independence. Kamini Kaushal becomes a star with the surprise hit Do Bhai.
Suraiya Dard, Parwana
Kamini Kaushal Do Bhai
1946 Noorjehan Anmol Ghadi Anmol Ghadi is the biggest blockbuster of Noorjehan’s career and it also makes Suraiya a major star.
Suraiya Anmol Ghadi, 1857
Mumtaz Shanti
1945 Noorjehan Zeenat, Gaon Ki Gori, Badi Maa Zeenat is a superhit for Noorjehan,Gaon Ki Gori and Badi Maa are hits. Suraiya has a success in Tadbir opposite K L Saigal.
Mumtaz Shanti Chand Chakori
Suraiya Tadbir
1944 Noorjehan Dost, Lal Haveli More hits for Noorjehan in Dost and Lal Haveli. Leela Chitnis teams up with Ashok Kumar again in Kiran but is not as successful as the likes of Kangan,Bandhan and Jhoola.
Mumtaz Shanti Bharthari
Suraiya Phool
1943 Noorjehan Nadaan, Nauker, Duhai Mumtaz Shanti delivers an all time blockbuster in Kismet but singing sensation Noorjehan gives hit after hit to become a craze.
Mumtaz Shanti Kismet
Leela Chitnis
1942 Mumtaz Shanti Basant The blockbuster Basant makes Mumtaz Shanti a big star. Khandaan sees the emergence of Noorjehan from punjabi films. Kanan Devi has Jawab which is a big hit.
Noorjehan Khandaan
Leela Chitnis
1941 Leela Chitnis Jhoola Leela Chitnis completes a hat trick of hits with Ashok Kumar as Jhoola follows Bandhan and Kangan(1939). Lagan with singing sensation K L Saigal is a hit for Kanan Devi
Kanan Devi Lagan
Devika Rani
1940 Leela Chitnis Bandhan Leela Chitnis remains the top actress with Bandhan.She had reached the top with hits like Kangan and Sant Tulsidaas in 1939.
Kanan Devi
Devika Rani


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RATNAGIRI is remarkable for the number of its people, their freedom from crime, and their readiness to leave their homes for military and other service.

Of its early population, in the absence of any separate hill tribes, almost no distinct traces remain. [The only traces are a few wandering Kathkaris in the north and some begging Thakurs in the south.] Among the present people the early element is probably strongest in the Mhars and coast Kolis, less marked in the Bhandaris, and weaker in the Kunbis and Marathas. The later arrivals, with some of whom almost every class of the present people is more or less closely connected, came both from above the Sahyadri hills and from beyond the sea. According to the legendary account of the first Brahman peopling of the district Parashuram entered it from the Deccan. The early Deccan and Karnatak rulers, with their own district officers, introduced Deccan settlers; in the sixteenth century the Bijapur kings and their village renters, khots, brought fresh bands of colonists; and in the seventeenth century Shivaji’s uplanders garrisoned many of its new forts. Neither under Peshwa nor British rule has there been any movement from the east into Ratnagiri.

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From the earliest times their fame as sea robbers no doubt tempted foreign adventurers, Rajputs from the north, Arabs and Africans from the west, and men of the Malabar coast from the south, to join the settlements of the Ratnagiri pirates. To this mixture of foreign blood is probably due the vigour, and till lately the love of war and plunder, that marked its coast tribes, Bhandaris, Gabits, Kharvis, and Kolis. The legendary history of the Javals and Chitpavans seems to show that these classes entered Ratnagiri by sea. Later on (about 699), driven by cruel persecutions, numbers of families fled from Kufa and Basra, and, sailing from the Persian Gulf, settled along the west coast of India. The descendants of these settlers, now known as Konkani Musalmans, and found chiefly on the shores of the navigable Ratnagiri rivers, in spite of intermarriage with the people of the country, keep much of the fairness and special features of the original settlers. In more modern times (1347-1660) under the Bahmani and Bijapur kings, the attractions of trade and of military service drew numbers of Arabs and Persians, and to a less degree of Gujarat Hindus and Musalmans to the Ratnagiri centres of traffic and power. In the eighteenth century the disordered state of their native country drove many Gujarat traders to the Konkan, and during the last sixty years the Bhatias, moving south from Cutch and Bombay, have drawn to themselves much of the trade and wealth of the district.

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Under the British two great changes have passed over the district; the ‘Pirate Coast’ has become more orderly and freer from crime than any part of the Presidency, and the number of its people has more than doubled. Since piracy has been put down, the only trace of the old warlike spirit is in the large body of recruits the district still supplies to the Bombay army. According to the returns there were, in 1879, 5579 men in military service receiving about £58,000 (Rs. 5,80,000), and 7009 pensioners in receipt of £45,452 (Rs. 4,54,520) a year. [The details are:

Ratnagiri Soldiers and Pensioners, 1879.







In serv-ice.


In serv-ice.


In serv-ice.


In serv-ice.





















































Other Hindus










































In service.


In service.


In service.







































Other Hindus





























During the last sixty years, for so poor and crowded a country, the population of Ratnagiri has amazingly increased. Very soon after the British conquest (1820), the district was surprisingly tilled and full of people. So great were their numbers that the bulk of the husbandmen were at the mercy of the middlemen and upper classes. The 1820 census returns showed, during the rainy season, a total population of 462,651 souls. [The total returns, 640,867 souls, included, besides Ratnagiri, four-fifths of Kolaba. The number given in the text has been calculated by taking from the total returns the proportion which in 1872 four-fifths of Kolaba bore to Ratnagiri.] Ratnagiri was at that time a grain exporting country, and in the fair season when traders thronged its ports, the population was considerably more. Twenty-five years later, though this number is said to have been far from complete, the returns showed a total of 625,782 souls or an increase of 163,132 or 35.2 per cent. Five years later (1851) the district is described as much, overcrowded; tillage had spread to the very hill tops, every available spot was worked by the plough or the hoe; exports of grain had ceased; the district paid its way from the savings of those who had taken service in the army or police, or who went for work to the districts found; many of the people suffered from want of food. In spite of this over-crowding, since 1851 the population has greatly increased. In 1872 it was returned at 1,019,136 souls, and since then, as it passed easily through the famine years, the number has probably steadily and considerably risen. Though some fresh land has been brought under tillage, the demand for food has outrun the supply, and, in ordinary years, grain is brought into the district both by land and sea. No new local industry has been started. But, by land, better and safer roads, and, by sea, the sure and rapid passage of steamers, have made it easy for the people to leave their homes in search of work. Wages have risen more than the cost of living, and the district is enriched by the large stores of money brought to it by the crowds of its officials and clerks, its soldiers and constables, its factory hands, and its carriers spread over the Presidency making and saving money. Though their great numbers keep the bulk of the people very poor, the teeming population of Ratnagiri has been one of the chief factors in the development of the city of Bombay. Connected with it by a short and easy land journey and by a safe and cheap sea voyage, Ratnagiri is, much more than the districts round Bombay, the supplier of its labour market. It is estimated that in addition to many thousands partly settled in Bombay, over one hundred thousand workers pass every fair season from Ratnagiri to Bombay, returning at the beginning of the. rains to till their fields. To Ratnagiri’s clever pushing upper classes, to its frugal teachable middle classes, and to its sober sturdy and orderly lower classes, Bombay owes many of it’s ablest officials and lawyers, its earliest and cleverest factory workers, its most useful soldiers and constables, and its cheapest and most trusty supply of unskilled labour.

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Since the beginning of British rule the people of Ratnagiri have thrice been numbered, in 1820, in 1846, and in 1872. In 1820, with no opposition on the part of the people and probably with less than five per cent of error, [Collector in Gov. Rev. Rec. 16 of 1821, 336-338.] the census, including besides the present Ratnagiri four-fifths of Kolaba, showed a total population of 610,857 souls living in 131,428 houses. Of the whole people 334,191 were males and 306,666 females; children under twelve numbered 211,717, of whom 131,933 were boys and 79,784 girls. For the thirteen sub-divisions included in the 1820 census, the 1872 returns showed a total of 1,302,594 souls or an increase of 103.25 per cent.


According to the 1846 census, which would seem to have been far from complete, [Collector 71, 9th January 1880.] the total population of the district was 625,782 souls, or 165.15 to the square mile. Hindus numbered 577,984 or 92.36 per cent, and Musalmans 45,822 or 7.32 per cent; that is at the rate of twelve Hindus to one Musalman. There were, besides,


1856 Christians, 83 Jews, and 37 Parsis. The 1872 census, to some extent because the numbering was more correct than in 1846, showed a startling increase of 62.85 per cent in population, the total returns amounting to 1,019,136 souls or 268.97 to the square mile. Of the whole number, 941,049 or 92.33 per cent were Hindus, 74,834 or 7.34 per cent Musalmans, 3244 Christians, and 9 Parsis. The following statement shows that in the twenty-six years ending 1872, population advanced 62.85 per cent, and houses increased 92.44 per cent.

Ratnagiri Population, 1846 and 1872.























Increase per cent.










The following tabular statement gives, for the year 1872, details of the population of each sub-division of the district according to religion, age, and sex:

Ratnagiri Population, 1872. Sub-divisional Details. [Since 1872 transfers of villages from one sub-division to another have been made in all the sub-divisions except Dapoli, and the number of sub-divisions increased from eight to nine.]




Up to 12 years.

From 12 to 30.

Above 30 years.


Grand Total.


































































































































































































































































































* The separate figures represent the number of Parsis.

Ratnagiri Population, 1872. Sub-divisional Details (continued).



Up to 12 years.

From 12 to 30.

Above 30 years.


Grand Total.




































































































From the, above statement it appears that the percentage of males on the total population was 48.18, and of females 51.82. Hindu males numbered 453,719, or 4822 and Hindu females numbered 487,330, or 51.78 percent of the total Hindu population; Musalman males numbered 35,660 or 47.65 per cent, and Musalman females 39,174 or 52.35 per cent of the total Musalman population. Christian males numbered 1729 or 53.29 per cent, and Christian females numbered 1515 or 46.71 per cent of the total Christian population. Parsi. males numbered 8 or 88.88 per cent, and Parsi females numbered 1 or 11.12 per cent of the total Parsi population.


The total number of infirm persons was returned at 4467 (males 2766, females 1701), or forty-three per ten thousand of the total population. Of these 608 (males 415, females 193), or six per ten thousand were insane; 196 (males 125, females 71), or two per ten thousand, idiots; 871 (males 508, females 363), or nine per ten thousand, deaf and dumb; 1555 (males 746, females 809), or fifteen per ten thousand, blind; and 1237 (males 972, females 265), or twelve per ten thousand, lepers.


The following tabular statement gives the number of the members of each religious class of the inhabitants according to sex at different ages, with, at each stage, the percentage on the total population of the same sex and religion. The columns referring to the total population omit religious distinctions, but show the difference of sex:

Ratnagiri Population by Age, 1872.






Percentage on total males.


Percentage on total females.


Percentage on total males.


Percentage on total females.

1 year

19 679








1 to 6









6 „ 12









12 „ 20









20 „ 30









30 „ 40









40 „ 50









50 „ 60









Above 60










453,719 487,330 35,660 39,174




Ratnagiri Population by Age, 1872—(continued)






Percentage on total males.


Percentage on total females.





1 year









1 to 6









6 „ 12


15. 26







12„ 20











20 „ 30











30 „ 40









40„ 50












50 „ 60












Above 60










1729 1515 491,116 528,020
8 1





The Hindu population of the district belongs, according to the 1872 census, to the following sects:

Ratnagiri Hindu Sects, 1872.




























From this statement it would seem that, of the total Hindu population, the Shaivs numbered 937,849, or 99.66 per cent; the Shravaks or Jains, 1477, or 0.15 per cent; the Vaishnavs, 1194, or 0.12 per cent; and the unsectarian classes 529, or 0.05 per cent. The Musalman population belonged to two sects, Sunni and Shia; the Sunnis numbered 74,729 souls, or 99.86 per cent of the total Musalman population; and the Shias. 105 souls or 0.14 per cent. The nine Parsis were Shahanshais. In the total of 3244 Christians there were one Baptist, 532 Catholics, and 2711 Protestants including 17 Episcopalians, 28 Presbyterians, and 2666 native Christians.


According to occupation the 1872 returns divide the population into seven classes:

I,—Employed under Government or local authorities, numbering in all 4491 souls or 0.44 per cent of the entire population.

II.—Professional persons, 5554 or 0.54 per cent.

III.—In service or performing personal offices, 9501 or 0.93 per cent.

IV.—Engaged in agriculture and with animals, 450,760 or 44.23 per cent.

V.—Engaged in commerce and trade, 18,626 or 1.82 per cent.

VI.—Employed in mechanical arts, manufactures and engineering operations, and engaged in the sale of articles manufactured or otherwise prepared for consumption, 65,783 or 6.45 per cent.

VII.—Miscellaneous persons not classed otherwise, (a) wives 102,735 and children 351,516, in all 454,251 or 44.57 per cent; and (b) miscellaneous persons 10,170 or 100 per cent; total 464,421 or 45.57 per cent.


As regards the style of living of the people of Ratnagiri, the dress does not differ from that worn in other Marathi-speaking districts. In the rainy season men of the richer classes wear a long armless cloak of thick red baize or flannel, somewhat peaked at the top, and drawn over the head like a cowl or hood. Of the poorer classes both men and women wear a thickly-folded blanket drawn over the head and falling to about the waist. Stout umbrellas of oil cloth and cane work, or of palm leaves are also used, and when at work in the fields, husbandmen hang on their heads a peaked and rounded teak or palm leaf shield. Almost all classes prefer sandals to the red Deccan slippers. A peculiar custom in Malvan and Vengurla is that all Hindu and native Christian women who can afford it, constantly wear chaplets or wreaths of red and yellow flowers. [This custom is said to hare been brought from Goa. The flowers used are the Calysaccion longifolium surangi, the Amaranthus globosus gend or buntar,the Pandanus odoratissimus kevda, the Calatropis gigantea mandar, the Chrysanthemum indicum shevanti, and the Ruellia infundibuliformis aboli. They are grown in every village, and numbers of flower strings are daily brought to market. Shevanti, kevda, and aboli wreaths wither rapidly in two days at the outside. The others keep their colour and freshness for nearly a month. The shevanti and kevda are costly and are used only by the rich.] With few exceptions all sleep on cots strung with coir rope. Some houses have chairs and stools, but of most the chief furniture are chests, boxes, and brass vessels. Of the brass articles perhaps the most striking is a large lamp and pedestal standing often two feet from the ground. Coarse China bowls are not uncommon.


The meals are taken at noon and after sunset. Among the well-to-do rice is the staple food. With the rice clarified butter, a curry of buttermilk or onions with a tamarind or kokam dressing, and vegetables fried in sweet oil and spiced are taken. Buttermilk, tak, is so indispensable that almost every house, except the poorest, keeps a cow or buffalo. On festive days, balls of wheat flour, with molasses and clarified butter, are eaten, and most families have a store of yams. The lower classes eat nachni instead of rice, and the poorest vari and harik, an unwholesome grain unless soaked in hot water, and urid, a pulse cheaper than gram or tur. Fish, chiefly dried, is used by all Musalmans and low class Hindus as a daily article of food, and goat mutton and poultry are eaten on festive days. Except the very poorest, the people of Malvan are specially careful not to expose themselves to the sun. Every day before going out Shenvis and all classes, except strict Brahmans, take a draught of weak rice water, pej, and with it a small quantity of fresh cocoanut kernel. The midday meal is then eaten at about 1 P.M. Brahmans, who cannot break their fast before washing, take their morning meal at a much earlier hour than is usual elsewhere. The object of the early draught of rice water is said to be to guard against the heat of the sun and to keep, off attacks of biliousness. In the evening all classes anoint their heads with cocoanut oil, in the belief that it preserves the eyesight and cools the head. All keep early hours. Late dinners and night work are carefully avoided. In the south of the district the fear of biliousness and the heat of the sun seems to guide every action of the people’s life.


Under Brahmans come eight divisions with a strength of 66,046 souls (males 32,223, females 33,823) or seven per cent of the total Hindu population. Of these 30,053 (males 14,527, females 15,526) were Ghitpavans or Konkanasths; 14,367 (males 7146, females 7221) Karhadas; 777 (males 423, females 354) Deshasths; 5727 (males 2776, females 2951) Devrukhas; 70 (males 46, females 24) Kirvants; 40 (males 28, females 12) Kanojas; 1277 (males 648, females 629) Javals; 13,669 (males 6579, females 7090) Shenvis and 66 ‘Other Brahmans’.


CHITPAVANS, [According to Molesworth, the Konkanasths were, in allusion to the story of their being sprung from corpses brought to life by Parshuram, nicknamed Chitpavans or pure from the pyre, chita. Turning this from a nickname into a title of honour, the Konkanasths say that it means pure of heart, chitta.] also known as Konkanasths or the chief Konkan Brahmans, have a total strength of about 30,000 souls or 45.42 per cent of the Ratnagiri Brahman population. Parshuram hill, near Chiplun, is the head-quarters of the caste whose original limits are said to be the Savitri in the north and the Devgad river in the south. They have no sub-divisions, all eating together, and intermarrying. [The fourteen Konkanasths gotras are: kashyap, shandilya, vasishtha, vishnu-vardhan, kaundinya, nityundan, bharadvaj, gargya, kapi, jamdagnya, vatsa, babhravya, kaushik, and atri. Their sixty ancient surnames are: of the kashyaps, Lele, Ganu, Jog, Lavate, Gokhale; of the shandilyas, Soman, Gangal, Bhate, Ganpule, Damle, Joshi, Parchure; of the vasishthas, Sathe, Bodas, Ok, Bapat, Bugul, Dharu, Gogte, Bhabhe, Pongshe, Vinjhe, Sathaya, Goundye; of the vishnuvardhans, Kidmide, Nene, Paranjpe, Menhadale; of the kaundinyas, Patvardhan, Phanse; of the nityundans, Vaishampayan, Bhadbhoke; of the bharadvajs, Achavla, Tene, Darve, Gandhare, Ghanghurade, Ranade; of the gargyas, Karve, Gadgil, Londhe, Mathe, Dabke; of the kapis, Limaye, Khambete; of the jamdagnyas, Pendse, Kunte; of the vatsas, Malse: of the babhravyas, Bal, Behere; of the kaushiks, Gadre, Bama, Bhave, Vad, Apte; of the atris, Chitale, Athavle, Bhadbhoke. Besides the sixty ancient surnames named above, there are 244 modern surnames current among them, making a total of 304. Of the ancient surnames 37 belong to the ashvalayans and 23 to the taitiriyas; while of the modern, including that of Bhat, by which the family of the Peshwa was denominated, 178 belong to the ashvalayans and 66 to the taitiriyas. Dr. Wilson’s Indian Caste, 19, 20.] Of their early history or settlement in Ratnagiri no record remains. The local legend makes them strangers descended from fourteen shipwrecked corpses who were restored to life by Parshuram. In former times, little thought of and known chiefly as messengers or spies, harkaras, the success of their patrons, the Maratha chiefs, brought out their keen cleverness, good sense, tact, and power of management, and their caste supplied not only the ruling family, but most of the leading men who during the eighteenth century held together the loose Maratha confederacy. Fair and pale with, in most cases, light eyes, [Their colour is greenish-grey rather than blue. They are known in Marathi as cat-eyes, ghare or manjare dole.] they are a well-made, vigorous class, the men handsome with a look of strength and intelligence; the women small, graceful, and refined, but many of them delicate and weak-eyed. In their homes they use a peculiar dialect, [The following are some of its peculiarities: ched, girl; hay, a respectable expression used amongst women in addressing their elders; ke(n), where, kita(n), what; sa(n), am; me(n), I; vincha(n), just before sunset; te nin, he; tyahaati, thence; nay, river: phal, shut; pahanpati, early in the morning ;theyala(n), put; hara(n), want; ghevni. taking; gecha(n). coming: had. bring: okhad, medicine; matha(n), with me: gota. near; kai, when; haday, to force downwards; chakhot, good; bakara, for a while; pekh, stop; atvar, kitchen room; kinla, for what; nanka (n), don’t want; yatha, here; kedla, when; bolche, speaks.] in many respects not easily followed by Marathi-speaking Deccan Hindus. Out of doors they speak pure Marathi differing from that spoken in the Deccan only by the more marked pronunciation of the nasal sound, anusvar. Many of the best coast villages, owned and field by Chitpavans, are for cleanliness and arrangement a pleasing contrast to the ordinary Indian village. The houses, built of stone, stand in cocoanut gardens or in separate enclosures, shaded with mango and jack trees, and the village roads, too narrow for carts, are paved with blocks of laterite and well shaded. Ponds, wells, and temples add to the general appearance of comfort. The Chitpavans are very clean and tidy. The men wear a turban, pagote, [School boys wear a piece of cloth rumal or pheta instead of a turban.] a sleeved waistcoat, bandi, a coat, angarkha, the shoulder cloth, angvastra, the waistcloth, dhotar, and country made shoes, joda, in the fair season, and during the rains sandals, vahanas. Very few Ratnagiri Chitpavans have taken to the broadcloth coats, trousers, and polished leather shoes so common among the younger of their Bombay caste fellows. The women wear the long full robe, lugde, and shortsleeved bodice, choli, covering both the back and chest. They wear no shoes, and none, except the very rich, wear woollen shawls. Very neat in their dress and way of wearing the hair, their clothes are generally of cotton, white, or dyed some single bright colour, pink, scarlet, black, green, or primrose. Of ornaments, the men sometimes wear in their right ear a gold pearl-ornamented ring, bhikbali, and gold finger rings, angthya or jodvi, and the women a pearl-studded nosering, nath, and earrings, bugdya, gold hair ornaments, rakhdi, ketah, chandrakor, and keuda, gold neck ornaments, thushi, putlyachimal, sari, patlya, kantha, laffa, and tik, and gold bracelets, goth, tode, patlyas, and bangdyas. Young women and girls generally wear silver anklets, sakhlyas, and a, few women wear gold finger rings, angthyas. Girl widows, though they no longer have the red forehead mark, kunku, are allowed to wear a bodice and a robe of any colour and ornaments. When she comes of age the girl widow has her head shaved, her glass bracelets broken and her bodice taken off, and is allowed to wear no robes except white or red and no ornaments except gold finger-rings. Like Karhadas, Deshasths, and other Maharashtra Brahmans who eat together, except on Vedic sacrificial occasions, Chitpavans are forbidden animal food and spirituous liquors. Like other Konkan people they take large quantities of buttermilk, tak. Though not superior to Deshasths and Karhadas in rank, they are held in much respect by most Ratnagiri Hindus, who believe that the sacred texts, mantras, repeated by a Chitpavan have special worth. A very frugal, pushing, active, intelligent, well-taught, astute, self-confident, and overbearing class, they follow almost all callings and generally with success. Many Chitpavans live by begging. Some trust altogether to charity, others add to their profits as husbandmen by starting from their homes in July, after the crop has come up, and, begging through the rich coast villages as far as Pen and Panvel, come back in time for harvest. [Some Chitpavan, as well as other Ratnagiri Brahman beggars, pass several months every year in Bombay, Baroda, and other places taking charity gifts, dan dakshina, or earning some reward for performing religious services to the lay, grahasth, members of their caste.] Others are very skilled husbandmen owning and tilling the richest garden lands in the district, as the local proverb says ‘give waste land to a Chitpavan and he will turn it to gold.’ Among cultivating Chitpavans many in good positions as khots or upper landholders act as moneylenders, and some trade chiefly in grain and other field produce. Others have succeeded well as pleaders, generally increasing their gains by lending them in usury. They have over all India a good name for their knowledge of Hindu lore, and in Bombay and Poona, some of the most distinguished native scholars in Sanskrit, mathematics, medicine, and law, are Ratnagiri Chitpavans. Their scruples about serving under the British have long passed away, and now their favourite occupation is Government service, in which they hold places from the humblest village accountant, schoolmaster, and clerk, to very high and responsible posts. [For some years after the transfer of Ratnagiri to the British, the Chitpavans were a discontented class. Though every effort was made to give them places, many of the best families, ‘from a feeling which deserved respect’, refused to take service under the British. Mr. Dunlop, 15th August 1824, Rev. Rec. 121 of 1825, 76-78.]

Ever ready to push their fortunes in other British districts or in native states, as a class they are successful and well-to-do. All are Smarts, that is followers of Shankaracharya the high priest of the doctrine that God and the soul are one, advait vedant mat, and with equal readiness worship Vishnu, Shiv, and other gods. Their chief places of pilgrimage are Parshuram in Chiplun, Ganpatipule in Ratnagiri, Hareshvar in Janjira, and other places held sacred by all Hindus, as Benares, Allahabad, Gaya, Pandharpur, Nasik, and Mahabaleshvar. Like other Brahmans their chief household gods are Ganpati, Annapnrna, Gopal Krishna, Shaligram, and Suryakant. Their family priests belong to their own caste. They are divided into religious, bhikshuks, and lay, grahasths. The religious class can take to other occupations besides acting as priests. A layman may perform ceremonies, but, unless forced to do so, he does not act as a priest, or receive charity gifts, dan dakshina. Caste disputes come before a meeting of the local community of Brahmans,including Chitpavans, Karhadas, Deshasths, Yajurvedis, and Devrukhas, that is all the local Brahman sub-divisions who eat together. When a difficult religious question is the Subject of dispute, the caste refer the point to some learned divines, shastris, at places like Benares and Nasik, or to the Shankaracharya. The Chitpavans marry among themselves. [Marriages between Chitpavan and Karhada families are not unknown. ‘ Though condemned by the more aristocratic, families, they are contracted without scruple, and involve no pains and forfeitures, either social or religious.’ Rav Saheb Vishvanath narayan Mandlik, C.S I. jour. Br. Ro. As. Soc. VIII. 9.]


The KARHADAS, [The great Marathi poet Moropant (1750) belonged to this caste.] with a strength of 14,367 souls, are supposed to take their name from Karhad in the Satara district near the meeting of the Krishna and Koyna. They are found in small numbers over the whole district especially in Rajapur and Devgad. They are probably the descendants of one of the Rishis or Tapasis who fixed on the holy meeting of the Krishna and Koyna rivers as his settlement. [The slander in the Sahyadri Khand, that the Karhadas sprang from asses’ or camels’ bones, is probably a pun on the word karhad, as if khar-gad, ass-bone. Tradition has a reproach against their name that in former times they occasionally poisoned their sons-in-law, visitors, and strangers as sacrifices to their goddess in the hope of securing offspring, vanshvriddhi.] They have many family stocks, gotras, whose exact number is not known. Their original country is said to stretch along the Krishna from its meeting with the Koyna on the north to the Vedavati (Varna) on the south, but they are now nearly as widely scatteredas other Maharashtra, Brahmans. They have nosub-divisions, all eating together and intermarrying. Though some are fair, as a class they are darker than the Chitpavans, none of them having grey eyes. Except some local dialectic difference, their Marathi is the same as that of Deccan Brahmans. In house, dress, and food, they do not differ from Chitpavans. They are clean, neat, intelligent, hardworking, hospitable, and well-behaved. At the same time they are more formal, and less thrift yand enterprising than the Chitpavans. Many of the Karhada village priests and astrologers are cultivators, some as ordinary husbandmen, and others, over the whole district except Malvan and Devgad in the south, as superior landholders, khots. They also engage in moneylending and trade in grain. [The leading bankers of Kharepatan in Devgad are Karhadas.] But, their chief occupation is Government service.. On the whole their condition is middling; few of them are rich, still fewer poor, and almost none beggars. Their religion does not differ from that of the Chitpavans. All Karhadas are Rigvedis. Their chief household goddesses are, besides those worshipped by the Chitpavans, Mahalakshmi and Durga. As among Chitpavans, caste disputes are settled at a meeting of all the local Brahmans who eat together. Unlike the Chitpavans the marriage of a brother’s daughter and of a sister’s son is not, unusual. They sometimes marry with Deshasths. Strong, temperate, hardworking, and not less anxious than the Chitpavans to educate their children, the Karhadas are a rising class.


DEVRUKHAS, [Devrukha comes from the Sanskrit Dev-Rishi or Devarshi. The Devarshis were a shakha the Atharva-Ved. The Devrukhas may be remnants of this shakha. Dr. Wilson’s Indian Caste, 25.] with a strength of 5727 souls and their head-quarters at Devrukha in Sangameshvar, are found in considerable numbers all over the Ratnagiri sub-division, and occasionally in all parts of the district except Malvan and Devgad. They are said to have originally come. to these parts as revenue farmers. Their only division is into family stocks, gotras. They are generally strong and healthy like the Karhadas, but somewhat darker. Their women are strong, dark, and healthy. Except for some local peculiarities their home tongue is the ordinary Marathi. Their houses, dress, and food do not differ from those of the Karhadas. The Devrukhas are hardworking, hospitable, sober, thrifty, and hot tempered. As a class they are rather poor, many of them being employed as cooks by other Brahmans. Moat are cultivators, both small and large proprietors. They are much given to irrigation, most of their villages standing in places where good supplies of river water are available. Only a few engage in trade or enter Government service. Among Brahmans they hold rather a low position. Several Chitpavans, Karhadas, and Deshasths object to dine with them, rather because they are thought poor and unlucky, than from the idea that they are of lower origin. Their religion does not differ from that of the Chitpavans. They marry among themselves. Their caste disputes are decided at a meeting of all the local Brahmans who eat together. They send their children to school, but on the whols are not a rising class.


DESHASTHS, with a strength of 777 souls, originally from the Deccan, are found all over the district, but chiefly in Khed, Chiplun, and Ratnagiri. Of their arrival in the Konkan no special story is told. They would seem to have come in small numbers at different times. Except family stocks, gotras, of which the exact number is not known, they have no sub-divisions. [Deshasths are generally Rig-Vedis, but some of them read the Sama-Ved and also the Atharva-Veda. Dr. Wilson’s Indian Caste, 18.] Most of them are darker, coarser looking, and more vigprous than Chitpavans or Karhadas. They speak pure and correct Marathi. Except that they are less neat and clean, their houses and dress do not differ from those of Chitpavans. They marry as a rule among themselves and sometimes with Karhadas. In Khed they are hereditary district officers. Some are khots and some are under-landholders; others are traders and shopkeepers, and a few are in Government service. Though not so clever or frugal as the Chitpavans, they are more lively and hospitable. Besides the gods worshipped by the Chitpavans the Deshasths worship Khandoba. In the Sahyadri Khand, their original country is said to extend from the Narbada to the Krishna and the Tungbhadra rivers excluding the Konkan. In religion they do not differ from Chitpavans or Karhadas. As among Chitpavans and Karhadas, caste disputes are settled at a meeting of the whole local community of Brahmans who eat together. They send their children to school, and on the whole are a rising class.


KIRVANTS, with a strength of 70 souls, are found only in a few Malvan villages. According to the Sahyadri Khand they are sprung from twelve Brahmans, whose original seat was near the Gomanchal (region of the Gomant mountain). As a class they are badly off, some of them cultivating but most living as beggars. They sometimes marry with Chitpavans. But these Chitpavans are then considered Kirvants, and other Chitpavans do not intermarry with them. Their name, kirvant, is generally said to mean insect, kide, killers, because in working their betel gardens they destroy much insect life. [Ind. Ant. III. (1874), 45.] Another explanation is that the proper form of the name is Kriyavant, and that they were so called because they conducted funeral services, kriya, an occupation which degraded them in the eyes of other Brahmans. [Mr. Ganpat Venkatesh Limaye, B.A., Dep. Ed. Inspector, Ratnagiri.]


SHENVIS, with a strength of 13,669 souls, are found all over the district, but chiefly in Malvan and Vengurla. Goa was their original Konkan settlement, where, according to the Sahyadri Khand, they are said to have come at Parshuram’s request from Trihotra or Tirhut in northern India. This legend is probably confirmed by the fact that especially in Goa, Shenvis, like Bengalis, freely rub their heads with oil, and also like them are fond of rice gruel, pej, and fish. The honorific Bab, as in Purushottam Bab, is perhaps a corruption of Babu in Bengali. [Rav Bahadur Shankar Paudurang Pandit, Oriental Translator to Government.] Their broad pronunciation of vowel sounds is also like that of the Bengalis. [Professor R. G. Bhandarkar, M.A., Hon.M.R.A.S.] Though they fled from Goa. to escape conversion by the Portuguese, every family has still a private idol there. They claim to be Sarasvat Brahmans of the Panch Gaud order. Besides Shenvis proper, who are of two sects Smarts and Vaishnavs, there are seven local divisions, [They belong to ten gotras, Bharadvaj, Kaushik, Vatsa, Kaundinya, Kashyap, Vasishtha, Jamdagnya, Vishvamitra, and Gautam.] Bardeskars, Kudal-deskars, Bhalavalkars, Pednekars, Lotlikars, Divadkars, and Khadpe-kajules, each claiming superiority over the other, dining together in some cases, but not intermarrying. Of the local divisions, except Bardeskars, none seem to have come from Goa. Though some are fair, as a class they are darker than the Chitpavans. Their women are well made, fair, and graceful. They speak Marathi, but at home with many Konkan peculiarities. [Among the peculiar words used by Ratnagiri Shenvis are: Jhil, son; chedu, girl; bapus, father; aus, mother; daji, an honorific; ghov, husband; bhitur, within; kha(n)y, where; asa(n)y, am; tena, by him; tha(n)y, there; nhay, river; dhak, shut; phatphati, early in the morning; vhaya(n), want; yeta(n)y, I come; okhad, medicine; bakra, for a while; rav, stop; randap ghur, kitchen room; kityak, for what; ha(n)y, here. In masculine nouns the Marathi final a, is generally changed to o as ghodo, horse; ambo, mango; and dolo, eye. The plural of feminine nouns in i also ends in o as nadyo, rivers; kathyo, sticks. The third person singular of verbs ends in a instead of o and e in the present, and in o instead. of a in the past, as, he or she goes, jata ; he went, gelo.] Their houses are strong and well built, but not so clean as those of the Chitpavans. Their dress is like that of the Chitpavans. The women are fond of decorating their hair with flowers. All Shenvis eat fish and some eat mutton. Other Brahmans assert that the Shenvis are inferior, trikarmi, Brahmans. [That is, of the six Brahman functions, karmas, sacred study, sacred teaching, alms-giving, alms-receiving, sacrificing for one’s self, and sacrificing for another, a Trikarmi is vested only with three, sacred study, alms-giving, and sacrificing for one’s self.] But among the Hindus of the district, they hold a higher position than the Javal Brahmans. As a class they are well-to-do. Most of them are superior landholders and hereditary officers, kulkarnis and others, and only a few are cultivators. Others engage in cotton and grain trade; some are shopkeepers and bankers, and a good many enter Government service. Fond of show and somewhat extravagant, in intellect and energy Shenvis can hold their own even with Chitpa-vans. They rose to high office under Sindia, and now, in Bombay and elsewhere, hold high posts as barristers, professors, pleaders, physicians, and merchants. Most of them are well-to-do. Their chief household gods and goddesses are Mangirish (Mangesh), Mahalakshmi, Mhalasa, Shanta-Durga, Nagesh, BinduMadhav, and Saptakotishvar. They have two head priests, svamis, one Smart living in Sonavda in Kanara, and the other Vaishnav living in Goa. They have rich monasteries, maths, in Khanapur, Karwar, Bombay, Nasik, and Benares. Their family priests are either Shenvis or Karhada Brahmaus. They have no peculiar customs. Caste disputes are settled by a caste meeting of the members, and finally referred to the head priests, svamis. Eager to educate their children, and ready to follow any promising calling or profession, Shenvis seem likely to keep their high place as one of the most intelligent and prosperous classes of west India Hindus.


JAVAL Brahmans, with a strength of 1277 souls, have their head-quarter at Burundi in Dapoli, and are found in small numbers over almost the whole of that sub-division. According to the ordinary story, the Javals take their name from being shipwrecked in a storm, javal. They probably always claimed to be Brahmans. But their position was not recognised till (1767) Parshuram Bhau Patvardhan, a relation of the Peshwa’s, in return for some service, established them in the rank of Brahmans. They have no divisions. Sturdier and much darker than Chitpavans, their home tongue is a rough Marat hi like that spoken by Kunbis. Their bouses, seldom large or well built, do not differ from those of the better class of cultivators. Except that they are less careful of their appearance, the dress, both of men and women, does not differ from that of Chitpavans. Their rules about food come between those of the Brahman and other classes. They eat fish but no other kind of animal food, and refrain from liquor. Though they rank as Brahmans they hold a low social position, other Brahmans neither marrying nor dining with them. Some of them are employed by other Brahmans as water carriers, but almost all are cultivators. They are frugal, hardworking, and skilful husbandmen. As domestic servants they are honest, good tempered, and well-behaved. They worship Vishnu and Shiv, and have almost the same household gods as Chitpavans. Caste disputes are settled at a general meeting of the members. They do not send their children to school, and show no sign of rising above their present state as cultivators.


KANOJAS, numbering 40 souls, originally came, as their name shows, from Kanauj in north India. They seem to have come into Ratnagiri in small numbers at different times, either as beggars or as pensioned soldiers. Though not so fair as the Chitpavans, they are larger and bettor made. Their home tongue is Hindustani, but they also speak Marathi. Their houses are small but clean. In their dress and food they do not differ from the Chitpavans. They neither dine nor intermarry with Konkanasth Brahmans. Except some of the pensioners who are well-to-do, they are poor, working either as water carriers or earning their living by begging. They are found only in towns, and none engage in cultivation or trade. They are clean, neat, hardworking, and honest, but hot tempered. Most of them worship Vishnu and are religious. They marry among themselves.


The only class of Writers are Kayasth Prabhus with a strength of 664 souls (males 341, females 323). They are found in very small numbers all over the district, but chiefly in the north, in Dapoli, Chiplun, and Khed. Among Kayasth Prabhus there are no subdivisions. Except that none have light eyes, they do not, in appearance or dress, differ from Brahmans. They speak Marathi correctly and have no separate dialect. They eat fish, mutton, and game, but not domestic fowls. They are clean, neat, and hard- working, and in former disturbed times had a name for faithfulness and bravery. Though frugal in straitened circumstances, when prosperous they are hospitable and fond of show and pleasure. Some are in Government service, some are cultivators, and a few are hereditary officers or the holders of land grants. In religion they do not differ from Brahmans. Their chief household god and goddess are Khandoba and Bhavani. Their family priests are Brahmans. They do not intermarry with other castes. Caste disputes are settled by a mass meeting of the castemen. They send their children to school, and are on the whole prosperous.


Under the head of Mercantile, Trading, and Shopkeeping classes come six castes with a strength of 36,299 souls (males 18,142, females 18,157), or 3.85 per cent of the. whole Hindu population. Of these 32,569 (males 15,936, females 16,633) are Vanis; 1216 (males 798, females 418) Lingayats; 1051 (males 553, females 498) Jains; 927 (males 507, females 420) Gujars; 507 (males 325, females 182) Bhatias; and 29 (males 23, females 6) Marvadis.


The VANIS, found all over the district and said to have come from north India, are known by the names of the towns where they first settled, Sangameshvari, Patane, [The Patane Vanis are said to take their name from Patan in Satara.] and Kudali. These sub-divisions do not marry or eat together. Among them the Kudalis claim superiority wearing the sacred thread and forbidding widow marriage. They all speak Marathi, but those who live in Malvan and Vengurla have many Konkan peculiarities. Most of them live in good houses. They are active, intelligent, sober, thrifty, and in fair condition. They allow widow marriage, eat animal food, and drink liquor. Most Vanis are shopkeepers, some are husbandmen, and a few are Government servants. Their family priests are Brahmans, and they do not differ from Marathas and Kunbis in religion. They eat with no other caste. They show special respect to members of certain families called Shetias, who have the hereditary right to preside at caste meetings. Other families known as Mahajans, inferior to Shetias, hold a position of special honour. They send their children to school and on the whole are a rising class.


LINGAYATS, 1216 souls, are found chiefly in Rajapur and Sangameshvar. They are said to be partly immigrants from the Deccan, and partly local converts especially from the neighbourhood of Sangameshvar. [Basav (1150), the founder of the Lingayat sect, is said to have settled for some time at Sangameshvar. Wilson’s Mackenzie Collection, 11. 4 and 10.] Rather dark in colour, most of them live in houses of the better class, and take neither animal food nor liquor. They are in middling circumstances, some of them husbandmen, others retail dealers and pedlars who buy stocks of cloth and spices in the towns, and carrying them to villages sell or barter them for grain. They have separate temples and priests of their own known as jangams. The Lingayats worship the ling, and always carry an image of it in a small box, either tied to the left arm or hanging round the neck. Their religion widely differs from that of other Hindus by holding that a true worshipper cannot be made impure, and so setting the members of the sect free from the need of purification after a family birth or death. Originally doing away with caste differences, after the first spread of the new faith, the old social distinctions regained their influence, and the sect is now broken into several sub-divisions who neither eat together nor intermarry. Not a very vigorous or pushing class, the Lingayats take little trouble to have their children taught, and show no signs of rising above their present position.


JAINS, 1051 souls, are found chiefly in the south. They are believed to have come from the Karnatak and in appearance resemble Lingayats. Most of them live in good houses. They are strict in matters of diet, using no animal food and taking no liquor. Among Vanis they hold a good but isolated position. Traders, most of them well-to-do, they are frugal and thrifty and have a good name for fair dealing. They are religious, worshipping the saints called Tirthankars. They have their over priests, Gorjis and Jatis. Their only temple at Kharepatan is dedicated to Parasnath the twenty-third saint. They are educating their children and show signs of improvement. Besides those Jain Vanis who are more or less late comers, and openly and carefully observe the rules of their faith, there are, in certain classes, traces of a time when the Jain was the ruling form of faith. [A king of Savantvadi, a very learned jain, is mentioned in an old Belgaum legend Ind. Ant. IV. 140]

Traces of Jainism.

These traces are chiefly found among Guravs, or temple servants, and Kasars, or coppersmiths. The members of both of these classes hold aloof from Brahmans and Brahmanic Hindus, refusing, however high their caste, to take water from their hands, and the Kasars have as priests, gurus, Jains from the south Deccan. The Guravs, servants in village temples, like the Kasars, in matters of eating and drinking, hold aloof from Brahmanic Hindus. Though the village temples are now dedicated to some Brahman god, there are near many of them the broken remains of Jain images, and most temple land grants seem to date from a time when Jainism was the state religion. A curious survival of Jainism occurs at Dasara, Shimga, and other leading festivals when the village deity is taken out of the temple and carried in procession. On these occasions, in front of the village god’s palanquin, three, five, or seven of the villagers, among whom the gurav is always the leader, carry each a gaily painted long wooden pole resting against their right shoulder. At the top of the pole is fastened a silver mask or hand, and round it is draped a rich silk robe. Of these poles the chief one, carried by the gurav, is called the Jain’s pillar Jainacha Khamb. [Contributed by Rao Bahadur Shankar Pandurang Pandit, Oriental Translator to Government.]


GUJARS of the Porvad, Nema, Umad, Khadayata, and Shrimali sub-divisions are found all over the district, especially in Dapoli, Khed, and Chiplun. They are settlers from Gujarat and occasionally visit their own country. Though they understand and speak Marathi, their home tongue and the language in which they keep their accounts is Gujarati. They are fair and most of them strong and healthy. They generally live in good brick-built houses, and dress like Brahmans, except that the end of the women’s robe, lugda, is drawn over the left instead of the right shoulder, and that they do not pass the robe between the legs. They are strict vegetarians, and for their evening meals never take rice, but eat bread, pulse, and milk. All are traders dealing in grain, spices, and cloth, and lending money. Most of them live in towns, occasionally moving about the country either as pedlars or to recover their outstandings. As a class they are well-to-do. Except Porvads, Nemas, and Umads, who are Shravaks or Jains, the Gujars are Vaishnavs of the Vallabhachari sect. They have their own family priests, Gujarati Brahmans. They marry only among their own sub-divisions and often form connections with families in Gujarat. The Vaishnavs pay great respect to their head priest, Maharaj, who occasionally visits the large towns. Though they have settled in Ratnagiri for more than a century, Gujar Vanis have kept their own customs and do not mix with the other Vanis of the district. They are bound together as a body, and refer caste disputes to arbitrators chosen at a meeting of all the male members. Anxious to have their children taught, they are as a whole a pushing and prosperous class.


BHATIAS, with a strength of 339 souls, are found at Chiplun, Rajapur, Malvan, and Vengurla. Coming through Bombay from Catch and north Gujarat, almost all the Bhatias have settled in Ratnagiri within the last fifty years. Most of them can speak Hindustani and a broken Marathi, and even Konkani in Malvan and Vengurla, but their home tongue is Gujarati. They are a strong sturdy class inclined to stoutness, some of them fair with handsome regular features. Almost all live in towns in large well-built houses. They keep to their Gujarati dress. They are strict vegetarians and take no intoxicating drinks. Large merchants and shipowners, their chief dealings are with Bombay, Cochin, and Kalikat. They mostly deal in cotton, grain, cocoanuts, betelnuts, dates, cocoa kernels, molasses, sugar, groundnuts, butter, and oil. A pushing active class, though settled in Ratnagiri, they occasionally move to Bombay and Cochin. They are prosperous and well-to-do. Careful to teach their children, strong, unscrupulous, and ready to. take advantage of any new opening or industry, the Bhatias seem likely to hold the place they have gained as the leading district traders. In 1877 they took the chief part in managing the immense imports of grain for the Deccan and southern Maratha famine districts. Lohanas, twenty in number, are like the Bhatias traders from Cutch and north Gujarat.


MARVADIS, numbering 29 souls, are found in some of the chief towns of the district. Most of them are late arrivals, coming through Bombay from Marwar. They all know Marathi, but among themselves speak Marvadi. Strong pushing men, they wear the hair long and most of them have long scanty beards. They generally keep to the dress of their own country, the small tightly-wound red and yellow or pink turban, the tight full coat, and the waistcloth The women wear a robe and open-backed bodice and a piece of red or pink cloth thrown over the head and shoulders. They are strict vegetarians and very temperate, allowing few luxuries but tobacco. As their favourite occupation of moneylending is almost entirely in the hands of the superior landholders, Marvadis make little way in Ratnagiri. Besides the few families settled as shopkeepers and traders dealing in spices and cloth, some come yearly in the fair season from Bombay as travelling jewellers. They are Jains by religion with Balaji as their household god. They have no temples in the district. As their number is very small, they generally go to their own country to marry.


Under the head of Husbandmen come nine classes with a total strength of 583,730 souls (males 277,868, females 305,862) [ The excess of females over males is probably due to the fact that when the census wan taken more men than women were away at work in Bombay and other places.] or 62.02 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 284,267 (males 135,273, females 148,994) were Kunbis; 203,406 (males 97,467, females 105,939) Marathas; 70,796 (males 33,671, females 37,125) Bhandaris; 12,772 (males 5753, females 7019) Shindes; 622 (males 307, females 315) Malis; 488 (males 256, females 232) Pharjans; 319 (males 156, females 163) Ghadis; 4025 (males 1805, females 2220) Mit-gavdas; and 7035 (males 3180, females 3855) Gavdas.


KUNBIS, with a strength of 284,267 souls, are found all over the district, but chiefly in the northern sub-divisions. According to Hindu books, Kunbis are the descendants of pure Shudras Of their former settlements or the date of their arrival in Ratnagiri nothing has been traced. Their home tongue is Marathi spoken more roughly and less clearly than by Brahmans, but differing little in words or grammar. They are smaller, darker, and more slightly made than the Deccan Kunbi. The men shave the head except the top knot, and wear the mustache and sometimes whiskers, but never the beard. The women are small, and as a class rather plain and hard featured. Few of them have good houses. Most live in small thatched huts with few signs of cleanliness or order. The men generally work in the fields bareheaded, and with no body clothes except a piece of cloth, langoti, worn between the legs. A few of them, in the cold season, we are woollen waist-coat or blanket thrown over the head, and in the rains a blanket or a rain shield, irle, of plaited palas or kumbha leaves. On holidays, and at weddings and other great occasions, the men wear small turbans generally white, rolled something in the form of the Maratha head-dress, but more loosely and with less care. In the fields the women wear the Marathi robe, lugde, [Their way of wearing the lugde differs from that of the Deccan women. All lower class Konkan women wear it pulled above the knee, the end passed between the legs and tucked into the waistband. In the Deccan it falls below the knees and is not passed through the legs.] sometimes with a bodice, and in the rainy season on their heads a leaf shield. For great occasions they have generally a new robe and bodice. Their staple food is nagli and vari cakes. They do not object to animal food, eating dried fish and chickens, and when they can afford it killing a male goat or sheep. Beef, either of buffalo or cow, they never touch. They eat deer and wild hog and allow animal food at their caste feasts. They rear fowls, and have nothing of the Rajput feeling against eating them. All smoke and a few chew tobacco. They are allowed to drink liquor, and among coast Kunbis drunkenness is not uncommon. Their usual drink is cocoa-palm juice, generally fermented, but sometimes distilled. All are cultivators, steady and hardworking; but from their numbers and the poorness of the soil they are scarcely supported by what their fields yield. Many make up the balance, and earn enough to meet marriage and other special expenses by seeking employment in Bombay, working as carriers, labourers, or garden or house servants, or in the steam spinning and weaving factories where whole families find well paid employment. A very quiet, easy tempered, and orderly class, singularly free from crime, they have much respect for the gods, believing chiefly in such village gods and goddesses as Bahiri, Bhavani, Somai, and Salubai. They believe in witchcraft and evil spirits, and to avert the anger of the gods offer cocoanuts, cocks, sheep, and goats, when any of their family are sick. When a child is to be named, the father goes to a village Brahman and tells him that his wife gave birth to a daughter or son on such and such day at sunrise or sunset as the case may be. The Brahman, referring to his almanac, tells that the child should be named so and so according to the position of the stars, the first letter of the star and of the name being the same. For this the Brahman gets a’ pice. Caste disputes are settled by a mass meeting.


MARATHAS, with a strength of 203,406 souls, found all over the district, are specially numerous near the Sahyadri hills. The Marathas claim to be the descendants of Rajput families, some of whom came to serve under the Bijapur government. The class forms two great divisions, those with and those without surnames. Families with surnames. hold themselves to be the only pure Marathas, asserting that the others are the offspring of mixed or unlawful marriages. [ At the same time some of the Kunbis have the same surnames as Marathas.] The home tongue of all is Marathi, but especially to the south, different from Brahman Marathi, and in many points much more like the Konkani dialect. Stronger, more active, and better made than the Kunbi, many of them, even among the poorer classes, have an air of refinement. The men share the head except the top knot, and wear a mustache, and sometimes whiskers, but never the beard. Most of them live in ordinary second class village houses. The pure Marathas wear a flat four-cornered turban of twisted cloth. In other respects their every day and show dress do not differ from those of the Kunbis. Of most the staple food is cheap rice or nachni, the well-to-do always, and all of them on high days, adding some pulse. They eat fish, fowls, and mutton, and of game, deer and wild hog, and generally use animal food at their marriage dinners, often getting the animal’s throat cut by some temple servant and offering the blood to the god.[At Dusara in some villages a buffalo is shin. The flesh is not eaten by the Marathas, but generally scattered round a temple as food for spirits, bhuts. Though seldom to excess, they drink toddy and other liquors, and freely use tobacco. Though Marathas and Kunbis eat food cooked by each other, they will not dine from the same dish, and, at big feasts, sit in separate rows. Intermarriage is not allowed.

As a rule all the Ratnagiri vatandar Marathas of a village have the same surname and when one dies the rest go into mourning. Their surnames such as Kadam, More (Maurya), Shellke (Chalukya), Palav, Dalvi, Kander, and others show their connection with old ruling tribes. [Besides these, the Marathas bear many surnames such as Jadav, Chohan, Shinde, Dabekar, Pavar, Medekar, Thamre, Gogvale, Jamie, Khetle, and Savant.] Though most of them are cultivators, a large number are soldiers, no caste supplying the Bombay army with so many recruits as the Batnagiri Marathas. Others go into the police or find employment as messengers. A few are becoming clerks and schoolmasters. As it has been to the Kunbis, the opening of Bombay spinning and weaving factories has been a great gain to Batnagiri Marathas, whole families finding work and earning high rates of pay. [A clever weaver earns from 40s. to 60s. a month, his wife 16s. to £1, and each child of six years and over 10s. to 12s. Weaving jobbers get from £4 to £5 and head jobbers from £8 to £10.] Like the Kunbis, orderly, well-behaved, and good-tempered, the Marathas surpass them in courage and generosity. Very frugal, unassuming, respectable, and temperate most of them bring back to their homes considerable sums of money. They are a very religious class, ready to consult the village god or his attendant in any matter of difficulty. Their family priests and astrologers, generally Chitpavan Brahmans, are treated with much respect. Some among them wear the sacred thread, janve, renewing it yearly in Shravan (August). Their practice in the matter seems very loose. All claim the right to wear the thread, but as it has to be renewed every year and the ceremony seldom costs less than 6d. to 1s. (4-8 annas), they do not all wear it. It often happens that only one brother of a family adopts the practice. Caste disputes are Settled by a mass meeting of the caste. On the whole they are a prosperous class, hardworking, active and pushing, and as education spreads a, larger number will probably rise to high positions.


BHANDARIS, numbering 70,796 souls, are found in most parts of the district, but chiefly in the coast villages. They supplied the former pirate chiefs with most of their fighting men, and the name seems to show that they were originally used as treasury guards. [Two hundred years ago (1673) among the Bombay guard were 300 Bhandarins armed with clubs and other weapons, Eryer’s New Account, 66.] They have four sub-divisions, Kite, More, Gaud, and Shinde, who neither intermarry nor eat together. Of these the Kite is the highest, claiming as their own the coast from Goa to Bankot Their home tongue is a rough Marathi. A strong, healthy, and fine-looking set of men, they are generally well housed, and in dress are extravagant, very fond of bright colours, and when well-to-do, dressing in Brahman fashion. The women dress like Kunbis and Marathas. Their rules about animal food are almost the same as those of the Marathas, but unlike them they refrain from intoxicating drinks. In social position they are below the Marathas, who do not eat with them, nor do Brahmans employ them as house servants. Some of them are cultivators and others sailors, soldiers, and police. A few are moneylenders and most own cocoanut trees or are engaged in the liquor trade. A strong, pushing tribe, they are fond of athletic exercises especially of wrestling. They employ Brahman family priests and pay them great respect. In other points they do not differ from the Marathas and Kunbis. They are not bound together as a body. Caste disputes are settled by a mass meeting of adult men. Though ready to take to new callings, few of them send their children to school, or have risen to any high position.


SHINDES, numbering 12,772 souls, found in small numbers all over the district, are the descendants of female slaves. In their language and appearance, and in their rules about food and dress, they do not differ from Marathas. Pure Marathas and Kunbis look down on them. But if a Shinde succeeds, after a generation or two, his children pass as Marathas, and are allowed to marry into lower class families. As a class they are intelligent and well-to-do, living as cultivators and entering Government service in which some have risen to high offices.


MALIS, numbering 622 souls, are scattered over the district. They probably found their way to Ratnagiri from the Deccan where their caste is strong and widespread. They dress and eat like Marathas, and differ little from them in look or dialect. A hardworking, quiet, and sober class, most of them are husbandmen, gardeners, and some are day labourers.


PHARJANS, literally children, numbering 188 souls, are found only in the south of the district. In former times it was, and still to a less extent is, the practice for the rich to keep female servants, kunbins, to attend on the women of the family and as concubines. The children of these maidservants form the class of Pharjans. They are almost all husbandmen, and except that they hold a lower position, marrying only in their own class, differ little from Marathas and Kunbis.


GHADIS, numbering 319 souls, are found in Rajapur, Devgad, and Malvan. Originally the lower temple servants, whose chief duty is to cut the throat of animals offered to the gods, many of them now live as husbandmen and field labourers.


GAVDAS, numbering 11,379 souls, are found in the south of the district chiefly in Malvan and Vengurla. They seem to be a class of Marathas who formerly held the position of village headmen. [From gav a village; In the Kanarese districts, the village headman is still known as gavda. In Malvan there are a few Bhandaris whose surname in Gayda, but they are distinct from this class.] They have two divisions, Gavdas husbandmen and cart-men, and Mit-Gavdas salt makers. The latter, who work on the salt pans of Mitbav, Achra, Malvan, Kochra, Vengurla, and Shiravda, hold a degraded position. No Hindus but Mhars will eat from them.


Of Manufacturers there were four classes with a strength of 20,602 souls (males 10,177, females 10,425) or 2.18 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 16,879 (males 8278, females 8601) were Telis, oil pressers; 1694 (males 829, females 865) Koshtis, weavers; 1591 (males 822, females 769) Salis, weavers; and 438 (males 248, females 190) Sangars, weavers of coarse woollen cloth and blankets. TELIS, or oil pressers, are found all over the district but chiefly in Malvan. They are of two divisions Lingayat Telis and Somvare Telis. The Lingayat Telis are vegetarians and make cocoanut, sesamum, and undi tree oil and are husbandmen and labourers. The Somvare Telis, in addition to the above occupations, enter Government service as messengers. The Telis are hardworking, sober, and thrifty. KOSHTIS, SALIS, and SANGARS, though of different castes, all follow the craft of weaving. They are found all over the district in small numbers. The Sangars, properly sankars or workers in hemp, make blankets, kamblis ; and the Koshtis and Salis work cotton and silk. Owing to the competition of European goods, the condition of the Koshtis and the Salis is somewhat depressed. Of Artisans there were twelve classes with a strength of 46,998 souls (males 23,506, females 23,492) or 4.99 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 15,377 (males 7602, female 7775) were Sutars, carpenters; 11,442 (males 5714, females 5728) Kumbhars, potters; 12,733 (males 6320, females 6413) Sonars, goldsmiths; 1828 (males 992, females 836) Lohars, blacksmiths; 3058 (males 1530, females 1528) Kasars, brass and coppersmiths; 462 (males 253, females209) Tambats coppersmiths;41 (males 23, females 18) Otaris, casters’; 33 (males 16, females 17) Ghisadis, blacksmiths; 10 (males 7, females 3) Patharvats, stone hewers; 4 (males 3, female 1) Rangaris, dyers; 2 (male 1, female 1) Gaundis, masons; 2008 (males 1045, females 963) Shimpis, tailors. Of these classes, the most important found all over the district are the carpenters, Sutars, the goldsmiths, Sonars, and the blacksmiths, Lohars. SUTARS, working both as carpenters and blacksmiths, and LOHARS, working only as blacksmiths, are very useful to husbandmen. They make and mend their field tools, and are paid in grain at harvest time. Most of them cultivate in addition to their calling as carpenters. SONARS make and renew gold and silver ornaments. As a class they are better off than the Sutars and Lohars, but have a bad name for dishonesty. KUMBHARS are found in large numbers especially in Malvan, making earthen pots, tiles, and bricks. They are hardworking and mostly poor. KAsars and TAMBATS are generally found in large towns. They work in copper and brass, and are mostly well-to-do. SHIMPIS are found in large villages and towns. They are tailors by profession and live by making clothes.


Of Actors there were five classes with a strength of 20,108 souls (males 9698, females 10,410) or 21.3 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 17,990 (males 8796, females 9194) were Guravs; 1321 (males 752, females 569) Devlis; 418 (all females) Bhavins, prostitutes, some of whom are skilled singers and dancers; 69 Kalavantins, professional dancing and singing girls; and 310 (males 150, females 160) Bhorpis. GURAVS are of two classes Lingayats and Bhaviks; the Bhaviks found throughout the, district and the Lingayats only in a few villages. Bhavik, or faithful Guravs, besides drumming and at marriages playing on the clarion, sanai, have generally charge of the village gods; and, as pujaris, being believed to influence the gods, are much respected by the lower classes. Some by cultivation add to their gains as musicians, drummers, and players. The Lingayat Guravs, worshippers of shivling, are all temple servants.


The BHAVINS and DEVLIS, [Contributed by Mr. Ganpat V. Limaye, Dy. Ed. Inspector.] found only in the south divisions of Vengurla, Malvan, and Devgad, are said to be descended from the female servants of some of the Savantvadi or Malvan chiefs, who were presented with lands and dedicated to the service of the village gods. Of these people the Bhavins are the female and the Devlis the male offspring. Among her daughters a Bhavin chooses one to succeed her as a temple servant, and when the girl comes of age, she is dedicated by pouring over her head oil from the god’s lamp. The Bhavin practises prostitution and differs from a common prostitute, kasbin, only in being dedicated to the god. Much lower in position than a professional singer or dancer, she is not allowed to sing or dance in public and no regular musician ever accompanies her. Except the one chosen to succeed her mother, the daughters of a Bhavin are married to the sons of some other Bhavin. These sons, called Devlis, weak but sharp and good-looking and in their dress neat and clean, earn their living as drummers or strolling players, and a few as husbandmen or village temple servants. According to their rules, the sons and daughters of Bhavins and the sons and daughters of Devlis cannot intermarry. BHORPIS, or rope dancers, a dark well-made class, generally come from the Deccan in gangs of about twenty with a few donkeys, goats, pigs, and dogs. They generally stop near some large village in their temporary huts, which they carry with them, both men and women performing jumping and rope dancing tricks. The women, prostitutes in their youth, generally settle down in later life to marry one of their own tribe. As a class they are badly off and show no signs of improving.

Personal Servants.

Of Personal Servants there were three classes with a strength of 12,669 souls (males 6080, females 6589) or 1.34 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 8683 (males 4169, females 4524) were Nhavis, barbers; 3985 (males 1910, females 2075) Parits, washermen; and one Bhisti, water-drawer. The barbers as a class are badly off. Some going to Bombay improve their condition, but most are poor, forced to cultivate to eke out a living [There is generally one barber for’ one or more villages which he visits every fortnight and shaves as many persons as he can in the course of the day. The barber is paid in kind. At harvest time he gets a bundle, bhara, of each of the crops. The barber generally attends on well-to-do persons in the Divali festival (October) to rub cocoanut oil on the bodies of the male members of the house before they bathe. On the next day his wife comes with a burning lamp, arti, and waves it before the chief person of the house who generally gives her 3d. (2 annas) or a piece of coloured cloth, than, for a bodice. The barber gets a meal on festivals and holidays, and on thread ceremonies and marriages, a turban. When a boy is shaved for the first time the barber gets a new square piece of cloth, rumal, worth from 2d. to 9d. (1¼-6 annas), a cocoanut, one pound of rice, and a betelnut. The barber holds the flag, nishan, of the village god when the palanquin, palkhi, is taken round the temple.] The washermen as a rule live close to towns, and most of them are well off. Those of Ratnagiri, Dapoli, and Bankot are considered the best in the district. Some of them add to their earnings by tilling land.


Of Herdsmen and Shepherds there were two classes with a strength of 18,505 souls (males 9234, females 9271) or 1.96 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 14,396 (males 7095, females 7301) were Gavlis, and 4109 (males 2139, females 1970) Dhangars. GAVLIS are cattle keepers, settled in towns and large villages mostly in well-built houses. Some cultivate and are employed as day labourers and servants, and at Ratnagiri some keep carts for hire, but their chief means of living is by selling milk and butter, in. which, as. almost all classes compete, the profit is small. The men look after and milk the cattle, leaving to the women the work of selling the milk and butter. DHANGARS are an inferior class of shepherds who generally live among the hills wandering from place to place with their flocks. A few own cows and buffaloes as well as goats, and cultivate some small fields. The men are very strong, sturdy, ignorant, simple, and rough; the women, brave and hardworking, take the milk and butter to market for sale.


Of Fishers and Sailors there were four classes with a strength of 30,994 souls (males 15,222, females 15,772) or 3.29 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 14,703 (males 7004, females 7699) were Gabits; 8928 (males 4456, females 4472) Kharvis; 3949 (males 2191, females 1758) Kolis; and 3414 (males 1571, females 1843) Bhois. GABITS, found from Devgad down to the Goa frontier, are some of them cultivators and labourers, but most are sea-fishers and sailors. The women sell fish on the spot or take them dried for sale in other parts of the district. Though not so important as to the north of Bombay, the curing of fish is carried on to a considerable extent, and the Gabits have some local importance from managing the native craft that still carry the bulk of the coasting goods and passenger traffic. KHARVIS are a small class with, besides some about Harnai and Bankot, three villages in the Ratnagiri sub-division, one on the Jaygad river, one on the Purangad creek, and one near Ratnagiri. Sailors and fishers by calling, they also trade and a few cultivate. They are sober, intelligent, trustworthy, and good seamen. Boats manned by Kharvis are always in demand. KOLIS are found on the north coast. The aborigines of the country, they formerly possessed many strongholds, the principal being Kardu near the Devghat, whose Koli chief, styled Raja, held lands both in the Konkan and in the Maval above the Sahyadris. They are a strong hardy race, the men sturdy, thick-set, and many of them very fat, the women well-made and healthy. They live in thatched huts, in villages very dirty, untidy, and full of smells. The men wear a rather high skull cap of red flannel scalloped in front over the nose; generally a waistcoat of flannel or broadcloth, and a very tightly-wound waistband. Except for the cap their full dress does not differ from that of the Kunbis. The women dress like the Kunbis, but more, neatly. They eat the cheapest sort of rice and vegetables, but to a great extent live on fish, on their great days killing fowls or a goat or sheep. They are excessively fond of liquor, generally taking a large draught before their evening meal. From the nature of their work they hold a low place among Hindus. Except a few traders and husbandmen all are seamen and fishers, very bold, pushing and skilful, owning their own boats, preparing their own nets, and on the whole independent and well-to-do. They believe strongly in ghosts and spirits, and if they think that the spirits are displeased they kill sheep, goats, or fowls, and scatter pieces of their flesh that the spirits may feed on them. They believe in omens and watch them carefully in starting, fishing or going on a voyage. [Meeting on the road or path to their vessel a woman whose husband is alive, two Brahmans, or a man with grain or fish are good omens. It is bad to meet a widow a cat, or a bareheaded Brahman.] BHOIS, numbering 3400 souls, are found all over the district. Freshwater fishers, palanquin bearers, melon growers, cultivators, and labourers, they are a quiet, orderly, and hardworking class. In food and dress they do not differ from Marathas and Kunbis.


Of Labourers and Miscellaneous Workers there were seven classes with a strength of 721 souls (males 374, females 347), or 0.07 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 464 (males 222, females 242) were BURUDS, bamboo and ratan basket and mat makers; 42 (males 22, females 20) BHADBHUNJAS, parchers and sellera of parched grainl and pulse; two males, TAMBOLIS, betelnut and leaf sellers; 32 (males 23, females 9) RAJPUTS, locally called Deccani Pardeshis, some of them husbandmen, the rest messengers and constables; 18 (males 11, females 7) VADARS, a wild tribe of wandering cutters, hardworking but dissipated, inclined to steal and fond of all animal food especially of field rats. BELDARS, numbering 99 souls (males 54, females 45), come in bands of ten to fifteen from the Deccan in the fair season and go back for the rains. Sturdy, dark, and very hardworking, they are, like the Vadars, stone cutters,  and like them have very few scruples as to what they eat. RAMOSHIS, numbering 64 souls (males 40, females 24), are found only in Chiplun, where they are employed as village watchmen. VAIDUS, a tribe of wandering doctors, occasionally come from the Deccan and hawk medicinal herbs, which they are said to collect on the Mirya hill near Ratnagiri. Tall, swarthy, and strong, the men, with hair and beard unshaven, generally move about in small bands of two or more couples. They speak a corrupt Marathi, and among themselves are said to use a Telugu-like dialect. On reaching a village they put up in some temporary sheds, and dressed in red ochre head-cloths, loose coats, and trousers, move fram house to house calling out the names of their medicines. [Their chief medicines are kant mandur and ras-shindur a factitious cinnabar made of zinc, mercury, blue vitriol, and nitre’fused together.] They are also skilled in drawing out guinea worms for which they are paid 6d. to 1s. (4-8 annas).

Leather Workers.

Of Leather Workers there were two classes, with a strength of 10,694 souls (males 5468, females 5226), or 1.13 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 10,572 (males 5400, females 5172) were Chambhars, shoemakers, and 122 (males 68, females 54) Jingars, saddlers. CHAMBHARS, found throughout the district, are a hardworking orderly class, rather badly off. Those of Lanja in Rajapur have a local name for their skill in making the sandals, vahanas, generally worn by natives in the rainy season. They are one of the castes reckoned impure by other Hindus. Their family priest is a Jangam or Lingayat. In social estimation the priest does not suffer degradation by ministering to the Chambhars. JINGARS make cloth scabbards, saddles, and harness, and also work in wood. They are skilled workers, but of intemperate habits.

Depressed Castes.

Besides Chambhars there were three Depressed Castes with a strength of 85,528 souls (males 41,756, females 43,772) or 9.08 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 85,513 (males 41,750, females 43,763) were Mhars; 12 (males 5, females 7) Manga; and 3 (male 1, females 2) Bhangis or sweepers. MHARS are found all over the district, but are specially common in Dapoli where they own much land. They are of two divisions, Mhar-bele and Mhar-pale. They are a strong and thick-set race, and all over the district affect the name of landholder, mirasi, as more respectable than Mhar or Dhed. They have no scruples about food and drink, eating all animals, even carcasses, and drinking liquor to excess. Their touch is considered to pollute Hindus, and so strong is the feeling about them, that when a Mhar meets a high caste man the Mhar is expected to leave the road and step to one side, in case his shadow should fall on the man of high caste. Some of them who have risen to high positions in the army are, as pensioners, treated with respect. But as their pension dies with them, none of the families have been permanently raised to any higher position. Most of those who remain in Ratnagiri are Tillage servants and field labourers. Very few of them hold or till land of their own. Of those who leave the district in search of work the bulk come to Bombay as carriers and labourers. Large numbers enter the army and have always proved obedient, hardy, and brave soldiers. From a statement supplied by the Military Authorities it would seem that there are at present 2180 Ratnagiri Mhars on the rolls of the Bombay army, of whom 1030 are in active service and 1150 pensioners. Except the pensionerswho are well-to-do, the Mhars are poor, many of them in debt to the village headmen and the large landholders. They are a quiet, orderly class, with a good character as soldiers, and, except in Dapoli where their increase has begun to burden the cultivators, they are contented and liked. The Mhars are a religious class, with a priest of their own whom they call Mare Joshi. Their household gods are Vithoba, Rakhumabai, and others, and they go on pilgrimages to Vithoba’s shrine at Pandharpur. MANGS are scarcely found in the district. One of them was a. cultivator and the rest beggars.

Unsettled Tribes.

Of Unsettled Tribes there were five, with a strength of 938 souls (males 444, females 494), or 0.09 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 863 (males 171, females 192) were Katkaris; 485 (males 226, females 259) Thakurs; 57 (males 27, females 30) Dongri Kolis; 31 (males 18, females 13) Lamans; and 2 Bhils. (males). KATKARIS, or makers of catechu, kat, are a wandering tribe, occasionally passing through the district and travelling as far north as Khandesh. They claim to be of the same stock as the Khandesh Bhils, and are one of the most degraded of hill tribes. They know Marathi, but are said among themselves to use an unintelligible jargon. They are small, active, and very dark, and dirty in their habits, the men wearing the beard and hair long. For clothes the men have seldom more than two pieces of coarse cloth, one wound round the head, the other round the waist; the women wear a ragged robe almost always without a bodice. They have no scruples in the matter of food, eating animals of all kinds, even monkeys. They hold the very lowest social position. They travel about in gangs of ten to fifteen, armed with formidable bows and arrows, with donkeys, goats, and hunting dogs, generally offering monkeys and parrots for sale, or working as day labourers. If they find no employment they stay only a few days at one place. During the rains they live in the forests, but sometimes work for hire in the fields. They have a bad name for thieving and are generally watched by the police. They reverence the ordinary Hindu gods and believe in ghosts and witchcraft. Low as they are, they arc said to be better off, and less utterly savage, than they were fifty years ago. THAKURS are a wandering tribe found in different parts of the district. They are stouter, fairer, and much less savage-looking than the Katkaris, and the women, though fat and ungainly, have frank kindly faces. They live in small portable huts. The, men wear a cloth wound round the head, a. waistcoat, and a small waistcloth; the women a tight-fitting bodice and a robe closely girded round the waist. Some are hunters, labourers, cultivators, and herdsmen, but most are beggars generally going about with bullocks, nandis, trained to dance and nod the head. DONGRI or hill KOLIS wander from place to place. They know Marathi, but are said among themselves to use a strange dialect. They till, fish in rivers, and bring firewood for sale. They are a simple and harmless class. LAMANS or VANJARIS pass through the district along the trade routes between the coast and the Deccan. Carriers of grain and salt on pack bullocks, they generally pass the rains in the Deccan, and after the early harvest is over, come to the coast. They generally make two trips each fair season. Formerly they were a very large class, but since the opening of hill-passes fit for carts, the demand for their services has in great part ceased.


Devotees and religious beggars of various names, Gosavis, Jogis, Gondhalis, Bhutes, Bhats, Saravdes, Gopals, and Jangams numbered 6553 (males. 3186, females 3367), or 0.69 per cent of the whole Hindu population. The fame of Ganpatipule in the Ratnagiri sub-division, Parshuram in Chiplun, and the intermitting spring, Ganga, at Unhale in Rajapur attract many religious beggars. GOSAVIS (3343) till land, work as private servants, and when at leisure, go begging, but seldom to any distance from their homes. Recruited from almost all castes, and worshippers of Vishnu and Shiv, they wander in every direction begging and visiting places of pilgrimage. JOGIS are of many kinds. Some foretell events, others act as showmen to curiously formed animals, and a third class are the Kanphates; or slit-eared Jogis, who wear large circular pieces of wood and ivory in their ears. Some marry and others remain single. GONDHALIS, at Maratha, Bhandari, and Kunbi marriages, are always, on the last night of the festival, called to perform a gondhal dance and repeat verses. All the performers are men. They have two musical instruments, a tuntuna and a gamel. At the time of the performance, they wear long white coats and their ordinary turbans. They are generally three, one actor and two musicians. BHUTES, followers of the goddess Bhavani, go about begging with a lighted torch and a tuntuna in their hands. They have their bodies covered with strings of kavdi shells. BHATS and Brahman beggars go begging during the fair season, and generally gather enough to last them the whole year. SARAVDES, a healthy strong-looking class, are found in almost every sub-division. They generally travel in November, buying and selling cows and she-buffaloes. Some of them go begging with their whole families, and return home in April or May. GOPALS sing, dance, leap, and wrestle; their women beg. They keep and deal in cows and buffaloes. JANGAMS act as priests to Lingayats and cultivate land.


In the proportion of Musalmans, Ratnagiri, with 74,833 souls or about 7.34 per cent of the whole population, stands first of the three Konkan districts. Musalmans are found in large numbers in the northern coast districts, 18,545 in Dapoli and 13,818 in Chiplun; in considerable strength at the old trade centres of Kajapur (11,616), and Sangameshvar (4845); and in very small numbers in the south, 3166 in Devgad and 1741 in Malvan.

Arabs and Parsians.

As in the other coast districts of Western India, the Ratnagiri Musalman population has a strong strain of foreign blood, both Arab and Persian. A foreign element probably existed before the time of the prophet Muhammad (570 -632). [A trace of the early Arab sailors is found in Jazira, or the island, the latter part of the name Melizeigara, apparently applied by Ptolemy (150) and the Periplus (247) to the town and island of Malvan or Melundi.] And in the spread of Musalman power, between the seventh and tenth centuries, as sailors, merchants, and soldiers of fortune, Arabs came to the west coast of India in great numbers. [Many high Ratnagiri families, though at present following different professions, are distinguished by Arabic surnames, Kazi, judge; Fakih, lawyer; Muallam, professor; Khatib, preacher; Mukri, elegy singer; and Hafiz, Kuran reciter.] From the accounts of Suliman, the earliest Arab traveller, it would seem that about the middle of the ninth century, the Balharas who ruled the Konkan were very friendly to the Arabs. The people of the country said that if their kings reigned and lived for a long time it was solely due to the favour shown to the Arabs. Among all the kings there was no one so partial to Arabs as the Balhara, and his subjects followed his example. [Elliot’s History, I. 4. The Balharas were the Rajputs of Malkhet near Haidarabad. Compare Mas’udi’s Prairies d’Or, I. 382.] Early in the tenth century, Arabs are mentioned as settled in large numbers in the Konkan towns, married to the women of the country, and living under their own laws and religion. [Mas’udi (913), Prairies d’Or, II. 86.] During the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, when the lands of Ratnagiri formed part of the possessions of the Bahmani and Bijapur kings, a fresh impulse was given to immigration, both from the increased importance of Dabhol and other places of trade, and from the demand for Arab and Persian soldiers. Even under the Marathas the services of Arab seamen were still in demand. [In 1683 the Company’s merchantman President was, off Sangameshvar, attacked by two ships and four grabs. The crew were Arabs who said they were in Shambhaji s pay. Orme’s Hiat. Frag. 120.] No record has been traced of any attempt to force Islam on the people of the district, and from the tolerant character of the Bijapur kings, [During the reigns of Yusuf Adilshah (1489-1510) and of Ibrahim Adilshih II. (1590-1626) no man’s religion was interfered with. Ferishta, II. 128.] it seems probable that, except a few who yielded to the persuasion of missionaries, to the temptation of grants of land, or to the oppression of Aurangzeb, Ratnagiri Musalmans are not descended from purely Hindu converts.


Besides the Arabs and Persians who from time to time came as soldiers, traders, and sailors, the character of many Musalman villages near Chiplun and along the shores of the Bankot creek, point to some more general Arab settlement. These people, the fair Arab-featured Konkani Musalmans of Bombay, generally known among Musalmans by the term Kufis, seem, as the name shows, to have come to India from the Euphrates valley, and to belong to the same wave of Arab settlers who in Gujarat are known as Naiatas, and in Kanara as Navaits. The traditions of the people and the accounts of many Musalman historians agree that the bulk of them fled to India from the Euphrates valley about the year 700 (82 A.H.) to escape massacre at the hand of the fierce governor Hajjaj bin Yusuf. [Details of Hajjaj the ‘ terror and scourge’ of his country are given in Mas’ udi’s Prairies d’Or, V. 193-400. (See also Khulasat-ul-Akhbar, and Tarikh-i-Tabari in Price’s’ Muhammadan History, 455-460) According to the general story these men were at first natives of Madina from which they were driven by the persecution of Hajjaj. In addition to the original body of settlers, it seems probable that fresh immigrants arrived in the tenth century (923-926) to escape the ravages of the Karmatian insurgents who destroyed Basra and Kufa and enslaved part of the people (D’Herbelot’s Bibliotheque Orientale, I. 509; Dabistan, II. 421), and in the thirteenth century (1258) when Halaku Khan the Tartar captured all the cities ofthe Euphrates valley, put the reigning Khalifah to death, and massacred 160,000 of the inhabitants.]

Besides the regular classification into the four main tribes, Syeds, Shaikhs, Moghals, and Pathans, [About 1/16 are Syeds, 12/16 Shaikhs, and 3/16 Moghals and Pathans.] Ratnagiri Musalmans are locally divided into two classes, Jamatis or members of the community, and Daldis coast fishers, with whom the Jamatis do not intermarry. [Perhaps daldi or thrown, in the sense of ontcaste.]


Though JAMATIS have much sameness in appearance and manners, there is among them a special class whose head quarters are along the Bankot creek and on the Dapoli coast. The Bankot Musalmans are rather a slim but well made, fair, and good-featured class, the men shaving the head and wearing short rather scanty beards. Their home tongue is Marathi, but most of them know Urdu. Except a few well-to-do landholders they live in second class houses. Some of the villagers wear a white Brahman-like turban and the Hindu coat and waistcloth. But as a rule the men wear a high stiff turban of dark cloth, taken, like the Parsi hat, from the head-dress of Surat Vanias, a coat, trousers, and Gujarat shoes. [All Konkan Musalmans are said formerly to have dressed like Hindus, and, marrying Hindu wives, to have adopted many Hindu practices. In time under the influence of Musalman teachers many town families have become more strict in their practice. Villagers still in many cases dress like Hindus, even worshipping Shitala-Devi, if their children are attacked by small-pox. Maulvi Syed Ahmad Sahib Gulshanabadi.] The women wear the Hindu dress, and when they travel, a large white sheet-like over-robe. Widows dress in white. Landholders, sailors, and some of them servants to Europeans, they are on the whole well-to-do. The calling of boatmen in Bombay harbour has of late greatly suffered from the competition of steam launches; but many find good employment as engineers and workers in machinery. Sunnis of the Shafai school few know the Kuran or are careful to say their prayers. On every Thursday, either in a mosque, or in a house built for the purpose, the Konkanis meet together, and sing hymns to the praise of God and the Prophet. This done tea is drunk, and sweetmeats distributed. Except that at marriages a dough lamp, filled with clarified butter, is, by the women, lit, carried to a river, pond or well, and left there, and that for five Thursdays after, a death, dinners are given to relations and friends, their customs do not differ from those of other Musalmans. [Maulvi Syed Ahmad Sahib Gulshanabadi.] They many only among themselves, marriage with any other caste being considered a disgrace. Of late one or two families have given their daughters to Bombay Arabs. A few of them, some in Bombay and a very small number in Ratnagiri, know English, and teach their children Marathi and a few English.


DALDIS, found chiefly in the Ratnagiri sub-division, have the tradition that their forefathers came in ships from across the seas. Their appearance and position among the Musalmans of the district would seem to make it probable that they are partly converted Hindus, probably Kolis, and partly the descendants of immigrant Musalmans and slave girls. [According to Major Jervis (Statistics of Western India, 14,15) they are a race of people descended from the first Arabian colonists who settled on the western coast in the seventh or eighth century and correspond with the Maplas of Malabar.] The men are tall, strong, and stoutly built with pleasant but irregular faces; most of the women are swarthy, but a few are fair and well featured. They speak Marathi in their homes and many understand and speak Hindustani. Their houses are almost all thatched huts of the second class. Except that a few of the men wear tight trousers, they dress, both men and women, in Hindu fashion. Some are sailors and cultivators, and some go. to Bombay in search of work; others make and sell nets and rope of all sorts, and most are fishermen differing little from Hindus in their way of fishing. They hold a low position among the Musalmans of the district. They are hardworking, and though many are in debt, as a class they are fairly well-to-do. Sunnis in religion they marry only among themselves and obey the Kazi. Very few of them send their children to school.

Most of the rest of the Musalmans are in appearance somewhat less sturdy and rough-featured than the Daldis, and darker and not so foreign-looking as the Bankot men. The home tongue of all is Marathi, but most of the well-to-do know Urdu. The bulk of them are townspeople living in second class houses, generally on rice and pulse. Most of them are able to afford dry fish, but few; except on holidays, eat animal food. The men generally wear a skull cap, the Musalman coat, and the waist-cloth, only the well-to-do wearing trousers. Their women all dress in Hindu fashion, in the large Marathi robe and bodice. Neither hardworking nor thrifty, they are orderly, clean, and hospitable. Living chiefly as grain-dealers, cultivators, sailors, constables, and messengers, they are not as a class well-to-do. In religion almost all are Sunnis following the Kazi. Few of them send their children to school; but many children go to the Maulvi to learn the Kuran. Few have risen to high positions.


There are only three families of Parsis, one settled at Dapoli and two at Vengurla. They are Europe shopkeepers and traders with their head quarters in Bombay.


Of the 3244 Christians, all, except the European residents, are found in the south of the district. Calling themselves Christis, and known by the people of the district as Feringis or Portuguese, some of them may have a strain of Portuguese blood, but the bulk are natives converted in mass to Christianity during the time of Portuguese rule. They speak the dialect known as Konkani with more Portuguese words than Others use. They are generally dark, healthy, and stout, living in tiled houses with walls stained with some coloured wash. There are few solely Christian settlements, but Malvan, Vengurla, Redi, and other large villages have each a considerable Christian quarter. They differ from the other people of the country in eating rice and wheat instead of nagli, and from Musalmans in eating pork. Both men and women smoke tobacco, and the men are great toddy drinkers, though perhaps not more so than middle class Hindus. Among the men, the well-to-do dress like Europeans, and the poor generally in a jacket and short trousers of coloured cotton and a red cloth cap like that worn by Kolis. The women dress like Hindus, except that they wear a peculiar neck amulet of red stone beads Strang together and joined in front by a green coloured stone edged with gold, called fora. They are fond of the red and blue checked Belgaum cloth, and, at church, wear a large white robe drawn over the head. They are a quiet, orderly class, hardworking, and, except for their fondness for drink, frugal. Most of them are husbandmen showing great skill in growing vegetables and in breeding pigs, ducks, turkeys, and hens. Some also quarry red stones and sell them to masons who work them into small household vessels. The upper classes are employed in Bombay as clerks and shopmen. Unlike Goa Christians, none take household service with Europeans. As a class they are fairly well-to-do. As was shown by their remaining true to it after the fall of Portuguese. power, they are attached to their religion, supporting their priests, keeping their churches [The Christian churches are almost all plain oblong buildings with a small chancel at the east end, but rarely with aisles. The larger churches have generally a low square tower at the north-west or south-west corner and the smaller ones a bell turret. All are whitewashed outside and tiled, and inside many of them are gaudy with colour, gilding, pictures, and glass chandeliers. The priest’s house is generally attached to the church and outside of it. At the west, there is always a stone cross raised on steps and carved with the symbols of the passion and with the date of the building or restoration of the church. On the greater festivals, during service, the church bells are kept ringing almost without stopping.] in good repair, attending the services, and carefully observing the high days. Though they have all Christian names and surnames they still keep the old distinction of caste, calling themselves Christian Kunbis, Bhandaris, or Kolis, and marrying only among members of their own caste.

Soon after the establishment of British rule (1822), the Scottish Missionary Society resolved on establishing a mission in western India. The first missionary, the Reverend Donald Mitchell, as Bombay was occupied and as he was not allowed to settle at Poona, chose Bankot as the first station, and soon after added Haraai. In the first year there were, under mission superintendence, ten schools in ten villages with an attendance of 435 pupils. This, in 1828, had increased to seventy-nine schools and 3219 pupils, forty schools and 1484 pupils in Bankot and thirty-nine schools and 1735 pupils in Harnai. Of the whole number of pupils 300 were girls. In 1829, as the work of superintending them was found to interfere with vernacular preaching, the schools in the Bankot district were closed. In 1830 the mission head-quarters were moved to Poona, and in 1834 the Ratnagiri mission was given up. During the ten years of work few converts were made. And when the mission was withdrawn these few went to Bombay. [Contributed by the Rev. D. Mackichan, M. A. of the Free Church Mission, Bombay.] For many years after the Scotch mission was withdrawn no fresh efforts were made to spread Christianity. In 1873 the American Presbyterian Board took up Ratnagiri as a station of the Kolhapur mission. The missionaries teach two schools, one for boys with 134 pupils, the other for girls with fifty-two. Besides those brought as helpers from other districts, there are six native Christians who have been received to Church membership. Of these one was a Roman Catholic, two were Muhammadans, two Marathas, and one a Mhar. The mission church, built in 1878 at a cost of £321 (Rs. 3210) and called the Hunter Memorial Chapel, is a stone edifice with an audience hall fifty feet by thirty-five. [Contributed by the Rev. J. P. Graham of Ratnagiri.]


None of the villages are walled or fenced. Those on the coast are densely shaded by belts of cocoanut gardens, and the roads between the long lines of houses are usually paved with cut laterite stones. These raised causeways are called pakhadis. The village sites of the inland parts are well, though less densely, shaded with mango, jack, and tamarind trees, each house standing in its own yard. Chambhars, Mhars, and other people of low caste live in quarters apart from the main village site. These hamlets, vadas, are always as well shaded as the main village. In this district there is one village or town to about every three square miles, each village containing an average of 79.0 people and about 174 houses.

Except the people of seven towns numbering 64,505 souls, or 6.32 per cent of the entire inhabitants, the population of the’ Ratnagiri district, according to the 1872 census, lived in 1242 villages, with an average of 768.62 souls to each village. Three towns had more than 10,000, and four more than 5000 inhabitants. Excluding the seven towns and 5114 hamlets, there were 1242 inhabited state and alienated villages, giving an average of 0.32 villages to each square mile. Of the whole number of villages, 104 had less than 200 people; 413 from 200 to 500; 460 from 500 to 1000; 200 from 1000 to 2000; 46 from 2000 to 3000; and 19 from 3000 to 5000.


As regards the number of houses, there was, in 1872, a total of 224,790, or on an average 59.32 houses to the square mile, showing, compared with 110,807 in 1843, an increase of 92.44 per cent. Of the total number, 3318 houses, lodging 27,699 persons or 2.72 per cent of the entire population at the rate of 4.15 souls to each house, were buildings with walls of stone or fire-baked bricks and roofs of tile. The remaining 221,472 houses, accommodating 991,437 persons or 97.28 per cent, with a population of 8.35 souls to each house, included all buildings covered with thatch or leaves, or whose outer walls were of mud or sun-dried brick. In 1829, though some houses were large and comfortable, each village had, on an average, not more than one brick or stone house. The walls of the better houses were mud, and of the poorer, reed. The roofs were thatched, the better with rice straw and the rest with grass. [Lieut. Dowell, 1829. Bom. Rev. Rec. 225 of 1851, 273.] This state of things is now (1880) found only in the smaller villages and hamlets. All large trading towns and villages have a good number of substantial stone tile-roofed buildings, housing nearly three per cent of the population. The better sort of house, sqnare built, with an open central or front courtyard, has, round the courtyard, an eight feet deep verandah-like dais or platform, raised about three feet from the ground; its walls covered with grotesque bright colonred figures of gods and animals, and its cornices hung with Bombay or China pictures. From this verandah, the common family resort, doors lead into back rooms, mostly dark and windowless, or out into a cattle-yard with offices in the rear. Shopkeepers live in dark rooms behind their stalls, with a backyard for cattle, and offices in the rear entered through a back door. The hovels of the poor, a few feet square with one doorway, generally the sole opening for light or smoke, are divided by bamboo or palm leaf partitions into three or four small rooms into which a family of eight or ten are often crowded.


It [Contributed by Mr. G. W. Vidal, C. S.] is probable that in early times there was a more or less complete village system. Certain, Maratha and Kunbi families were, as appears from ancient deeds, styled patels, and ranked as the headmen of their villages. The revenue system was then kularg or rayatvar, each cultivator being an independent hereditary holder, who stood assessed at a fixed rental in the public accounts, beyond which nothing could be levied from him. The creation of village renters, khots, introduced a new element. The khots in course of time acquired hereditary rights by grant or prescription. In a small proportion of the villages, less than a tenth of the whole district, the older holders have succeeded in keeping their rights intact. These are the pure peasant-held, nival dharekari, villages of the north of the district, and the peasant-held, kulargi, villages of the south. In another class of villages, while some of the old peasant-holders continue to keep their lands, the khots. either by lapses, or spread of tillage, gained rights in the land. These are the mixed, khichdi, half rented half peasant-held villages. In many instances the original holders have entirely disappeared, and all the lands are either in the hands of the khots themselves, or of tenants who cultivate under them. These are called nival or pure khoti villages. In all these villages, by their superior power and authority, the khots have gradually and entirely replaced the ancient patels as headmen of villages. There are in fact at the present time no hereditary patels in the district, and were it not for the modern appointments of police patels, nominated by Government from among the most intelligent villagers, for life or shorter periods, the very name of patel would have been forgotten. Though the khots have never been recognised as Government servants, in villages where the survey settlement has been introduced, they are paid a percentage of the assessment collected by them on behalf of Government from the peasant-holders, dharekaris. Elsewhere they receive no direct remuneration either in cash or in land. Except in a very few villages, where there are still hereditary officers styled mahajans and vartaks, appointed or recognized by former Governments, the khots are invariably the headmen of their respective villages. Where there are mahajans or vartaks, the khots yield precedence to them, and the former are entitled to preside at meetings of the villagers. Khots are found of many castes, but a large majority are Brahmans. The earliest khots were chosen from a few old influential Maratha families, who peopled the villages at the foot of the Sahyadri range in the Khed and Chiplun sub-divisions. These Maratha khots are distinguished by the title of mokasa khots, [Mokasa was a part’ of the chauth granted to Maratha officers by Shivaji in payment for military service.] which would seem to imply that they originally held their villages on condition of some military service. The powerful sub-division of Chitpavan Brahmans holds most villages in Khed, Chiplun, and Dapoli. Further south, in Sangameshvar and Ratnagiri, the Devrukha Brahmans take the place of the Chitpavans. A few villages in Dapoli are held by the Javal Brahmans. Here and there Shenvi, Prabhu, and Musalman khots are found, and there are also cases of Kunbi, Gavli, and even Mhar khots. In the south the khot is usually called the Gavkar. The village headman is always the first to receive the betel leaf, pan supari, at the celebration of any public religious ceremony, and until this formality has been observed, the ceremony cannot proceed. His leave has also to be formally asked and granted before, on festive days, the palanquin of the village god can be carried in procession through the village. The precedence granted to the headman on all public and religious occasions does not necessarily extend to social gatherings, although, as a matter of courtesy, the headman when invited to a wedding or feast will be the first to receive the pan supari. When an event of any importance, such as a wedding, happens in his own family, the headman is expected to entertain the village. On such occasions he gives cooked food to guests of his own and lower castes, and the guests of each caste eat separately. When the host is of low caste, he can either employ a cook of the highest caste, from whose hands all the guests will eat, or else he can give the raw materials for the feast to all the guests of higher caste than himself. When his circumstances allow, the khot secures the monopoly of the village moneylending and grain-dealing business. His position gives him a great advantage over professional usurers such as Marvadis who, as a consequence, have little inducement to settle in the district. Though some are rich, a great many of the hereditary khots are more or less involved in debt, and have been compelled to mortgage their estates to capitalists, who in turn act as moneylenders. As might be expected, the hereditary khots are, as moneylenders, more lenient than the mortgagees, who, having no permanent interest in the villagers, strive to make as much as possible out of them during their temporary management. Still the opposition of cultivators to unpopular moneylenders seldom takes the form of active resentment.

Village Servants.

Compared with the Deccan, the number of village servants that hold service land, or receive cash from the state, is very small. The village establishments are more or less complete; but the remuneration of the office bearers is for the most part left to the community. This is probably the result of the introduction of the khoti system., The Government having interposed a middleman between itself and the cultivators, as a rule, saw no necessity for dealing directly with the inferior village servants. The chief exception to this rule is the case of the village accountants, kulkarnis, who, being hereditary holders, vatandars, with grants for the most part older than the introduction of the khots, have been allowed to keep their cash allowances in the few villages where the vatans exist. The Mhars or village watchmen were also, in consideration of their useful and necessary services, granted small cash allowances in a few villages in the Rajapur, Malvan, and Devgad sub-divisions. A few instances also occur of lands or allowances being paid to special village officers, such as the mahajan, the vartak, the mukadam,, and the desdi. It frequently happens that these offices, the number of which is very small indeed, are united to the khotship. In some villages also, where there are no Mhars, the temple attendant, ghadi or gurav, receives an allowance for performing menial services in the village. In the Sangameshvar sub-division, there are two instances of service lands being held by shetias, and there is a solitary instance in the Malvan sub-division of an allowance being granted to the village astrologer, joshi. In some cases too, allowances would seem to have been granted to certain servants on the representations of khots, and as a mark of favour to the latter. Such are the appointments of the messengers, sipais, of the Malvan sub-division. The organization of the village establishments differs little in different parts of the district; but the full staff of office bearers is found only in the more populous villages.

Village servants may be divided into three classes: those rendering service to the state; those useful to the villagers; and those whose services are not required either by Government or by the villagers. In the first class are the headman, khot ox gavkar ; the police head, patel; the accountant, kulkarni; the watchman, mhar ; the messenger, sipai ; and, where he performs other than, temple service, the temple ministrant, gurav or ghadi. In the absence of an independent mahajan or vartak the khot, as already stated, is the headman of the village. Frequently these latter offices are united to that of the khot, as also are those of the desai and mukadam. The khot from his position enjoys many privileges. In former times he was allowed by eustom, as part of their rental, to exact without payment one day’s labour in eight from all cultivators in his village, except hereditary holders, dharekaris. When this forced labour was agricultural, it was styled plough service, nangar vet. When the labour exacted was of any other description, such as carrying grain to market, or carrying the khot’s palanquin, it was called labour service, vet bigar. Forced labour of this description has now been abolished, but so patient and submissive are the villagers, that it may be doubted whether the system is entirely dead. The police patels, not being hereditary officers, are selected for life or shorter periods from the most eligible candidates. Influential Marathas are usually chosen in preference to members of the khot families. In the settled sub- divisions, the police patels are paid by cash allowances fixed according to the population and importance of the villages. These allowances vary from 8s. to £4 8s. (Rs. 4-44) a year. Where the survey settlement has not been introduced, the post is purely honorary. Hereditary village accountants, kulkarnis, are found only in a few villages in the Dapoli, Chiplun, Sangameshvar, Ratnagiri, Rajapur, Devgad, and Malvan sub-divisions. The creation of khots has, in nearly every instance, rendered their services superfluous. The kulkarnis belong mostly to the Brahman, Prabhu, and Shenvi castes. They are paid by cash allowances, the only exception being Achra in the Malvan sub-division, where lands have been assigned for this service.

Except in a few of the coast villages, Mhars are found throughout the district. They perform various useful services, acting as village messengers and scavengers, and except in Chiplun, where alone there are Ramosis, as village watchmen. They help both the khot and the police patel, and attend to the wants of travellers. The Mhar families are usually of very old standing, and are not without some influence. If of longer standing in the village than the khot, they are called vatandars and mirasis. InMalvi in the Dapoli sub-division, the Mhars have a Persian copper plate grant of considerable age. The vatandar Mhars were all originally independent landholders, and being exceedingly jealous of their rights, have systematically and, in many cases, successfully withstood the khots’ attempts to rackrent them. For their services to the state they receive, in the surveyed sub-divisions, cash allowances varying from 4s. to £2 4s. (Rs. 2-22) according to a scale fixed in proportion to the population of the village. In the unsurveyed sub-divisions, except in fifteen villages in Rajapur, sixteen in Devgad, and fourteen in Malvan, they receive no state remuneration. Nowhere, except in the Chiplun sub-division, have any service lands been assigned to Mhars. The ‘village messenger, sipai, is found only in the Malvan sub-division. The gurav, as he is called in the north, and ghadi, in the south, is usually a Maratha or Kunbi, whose chief duty is connected with the village temple. In a few villages in the south, he performs general village service like that performed elsewhere by Mhars, and in these cases is considered a useful servant to Government and paid by the state. In some cases the allowances for this office are paid to the khot himself.

The second class of village servants, who, though they render no service to the state, are useful to the villagers, includes (1) the priest, joshi, upadhia, or bhat; (2) the temple minister, gurav or ghadi; (3) the Lingayat priest, jangam ; (4) the carpenter, sutar; (5) the blacksmith, lohar; (6) the shoemaker, chambhar ; (7) the potter, kumbhar ; and where there is a Musalman population, (8) the judge, kazi ; (9) the priest, mulla ; (10) the beadle, mujavar; and (11) the preacher, khatib. The priest, joshi, upadhia, or bhat, also sometimes styled the Sanskrit scholar, shastri, or the religious head, dharmadhikari, is the chief Hindu religious officer. He officiates at thread, janvn, investments, and at marriage and death ceremonies. It is also his business to name lucky days, and, if required, to cast nativities. The village priest has no vested right to perform any particular ceremony, and the parties are free to employ any eligible person, resident either in or out of the village. The joshis are paid by fees, varying according to, the wealth of their employers; they usually supplement their incomes by begging. Only one man of this class, a Malvan joshi, who, exclusive of quit-rent, judi, receives £3 6s. (Rs. 33) a year, is paid by the state. The business of the temple ministrant, gurav or ghadi, found in almost every village, is to attend at the village temple, to clean the ornaments and minister to the wants of the idol. He also prepares the leaves, patravalis, used on feast days as plates, and at stated intervals plays the trumpet in front of the village temple. The Lingayat priest, jangam, is found only in a very few villages, where are settlements of Lingayat Vanis. There is no instance of jangam receiving state remuneration. The carpenter, sutar, and blacksmith, lohar, are of the same caste, eating together and intermarrying. The carpenter, found in all but the very smallest villages, holds neither land nor allowances, and is supported entirely by fees for work perfurmed for the villagers. Except that he is found only in the more populous villages, the position of the blacksmith is the same as that of the carpenter. The potter, kumbhar, and the shoemaker, chambhar, sometimes paid in grain and sometimes in cash, suffer little from competition. If they can get their work done at home, villagers seldom employ outside workmen. In villages with a Muhammadan population, the establishment usually includes a kazi, who is the religious and temporal head of the Musalman community, settling all disputes, and exercising a general superintendence over his followers. He also solemnizes marriages and keeps the registers. The kazi is not necessarily a village officer. He is usually appointed to a large district, and may reside anywhere within the limits of his authority. Next in importance to the kazi is the mulla, who acts as a deputy of the kazi, and has charge of the mosques and burial grounds. The mujavar is the servant who cleans and sweeps the mosques and shrines, and the khatib is the public preacher. None of these Muhammadan officials are paid by the state, nor is it, as in the Deccan, the custom for Hindus to employ Musalman office-bearers to slaughter their sacrificial sheep and goats. This work is in Ratnagiri performed by the gurav.

The third class of village servants includes all not directly useful either to Government or to the villagers. These are: (1) the trade superintendent, mahajan ; (2) the overman, vartak; (3) the headman, mukadam; (4) the revenue superintendent, desai; (5) the goldsmith, sonar ; (6) the washerman, parit ; (7) the barber, nhavi; (8) the tailor, shimpi ; (9) the oilman, teli; (10) the assayer, potdar; (11) the superintendent of weights and measures, shetia; (12) the coppersmith, kasar ; (13) the cotton cleaner, pinjari; and (14) the betel leaf dealer, tamboli. Of the above, the mahajans, vartaks, mukadams, desais, potdars, and shetias are usually hereditary holders, vatandars, under regular deeds. The summary settlement has been applied to their allowances and lands, except where they are held by village khots. Although included in the village staff, none of the remaining servants hold service lands or receive allowances. All are paid by customary fees.


The village population usually includes families of more than one caste. A few Rajapur villages are all of one caste, peopled some by Marathas, others by Kunbis, and others by Musalmans. No distinct and separate settlements of aboriginal tribes are found. The whole body of villagers hold few rights in common. There are no common pasture lands, except in one or twovillages held directly by the state where lands have been set apart for grazing. In such cases no restriction is laid on the number of cattle any individual may graze. Everywhere else the people graze their cattle in their own fields. There are no common forests. Here and there beautiful temple groves are carefully preserved, and save for the temple, no cutting of timber or branches is allowed. The people obtain what fuel they consume from trees standing in their own fields. The water of the village ponds and wells is free to all, except Mhars, Chambhars, and other low castes. But many villages have separate wells and ponds for low caste people. The villagers have no fixed system of distributing the cost of any charitable or usefulworks undertaken by the community. Heads of families are expected to contribute according to their means, paying so much in cash, or supplying so many days’ labour. Large landholders and influential personsare expected to entertain the whole village on the celebration of marriages and other important domestic events. Guests are also invited from neighbouring villages; but on such occasions, ordinary cultivators, artisans, and petty shopkeepers are not expected to do more than entertain a few of their own relations and caste fellows. At death ceremonies it is not usual to entertain guests of a different caste to the master of the house. As distinguished from old cultivators, vatandars, new settlers are called badhekaris, or cultivators of waste-land, badhen. The same name, though for this the correct term is dulandis, is also applied to persons living in one village and cultivating land in another. Settlements of badhekaris are found in nearly every khoti village. In former times movements of cultivators from one village to another were very frequent, and the competition amongst the khots to attract settlers was very keen. If satisfied with the terms offered them, the new comers became permanent settlers, and intermarried with the older cultivators. If dissatisfied, they moved to other villages in quest of more favourable terms. In some villages all the cultivators belong to this class, and through many generations keep the name of badhekaris, even where they have acquired permanent occupancy rights. In all communal matters, the badhekaris enjoy equal rights and privileges with the older cultivators, and are not now liable to pay any special fees for the privilege of belonging to the village. The changes that have taken place under British rule have left their mark on the village communities. Disputes are now rarely referred to the village councils, and the headman is seldom called on to give his advice on doubtful questions. The gradual spread of education, their better knowledge of law and procedure, improved communications, and new markets, have made the cultivators more self-reliant and independent.

Movements of the People.

The pressure of population is relieved by the readiness with which the people leave their homes in search of work. The better class of Christians and Brahmans find openings as clerks, and in the civil branches of Government service; Musalmans, Marathas, and Mhars are such favourite and willing recruits, that Ratnagiri is the nursery of the Bombay army, and to a large extent of its police, and from Ratnagiri the labour market of the city of Bombay is in great measure supplied. Three large classes of workers go to Bombay from Ratnagiri. Yearly, when the rice harvest is over, bands of husbandmen and field labourers, numbering altogether not less than 100,000 souls, find their way, some on foot, others by sea, to Bombay, and working there during the fair season, return to their fields in time for the rice sowing. The second class, almost all Mhars, take service as municipal street sweepers, keeping their places for years, but every season arranging for a short holiday to carry their savings to their Ratnagiri homes. The third and most important class are the mill-workers who belong to two divisions, Bankotis from the north and Malvanis from the south. These people settle in Bombay, the northerners and southerners generally keeping separate, working in different mills. Though wages have by competition and dull trade greatly fallen, as all the members can find work, every family still earns a large sum. With little comfort in their crowded houses, they are well fed and well clothed, and save large sums which they generally take to Ratnagiri, spending much on their marriages and other family events, but investing a part in ornaments and in buying land. Besides these movements to Bombay, a considerable, and with improved communications, an increasing number of Musalmans, Kunbis, and Mhars go for work to Aden and the Mauritius. Sometimes whole families emigrate, but as a rule the greater number are young men. All of them leave, meaning to come back when they have made some money, and except those who die abroad, all come back after serving from five to twenty years. Men never settle abroad or bring home foreign wives. When away most of them keep up a correspondence with their families. In Aden they work as labourers and in the Mauritius in the sugarcane and potato fields. Their savings, sometimes as much as £50 (Rs. 500) and generally about £20 (Rs. 200), are brought back in cash or in ornaments. Though their health does not seem to suffer from the change of climate, men never pay a second visit to Aden or the Mauritius.

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Posted by admin - February 24, 2015 at 11:47 am

Categories: Article   Tags: ratnagiri, savantvadi

Book on Mumbai city’s railway network takes readers on nostalgia trip

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Book on city’s railway network takes readers on nostalgia trip

A book on Mumbai railways, the ground zero of Indian Railways, is taking readers on a ride down memory lane as it reveals interesting facets of railway stations like CST.

‘Halt Station India’, published by Rupa Publications and authored by senior journalist Rajendra Aklekar, has a foreword by former BBC journalist Mark Tully.

It was released by union railway minister Suresh Prabhu last month. It is the story of how Mumbai’s rail tracks, India’s first railway line, have expanded to ferry more than seven million passengers today.

“The book tells the story of each station and the relics of that glorious era that are still lying around at those stations. It’s the story of Bombay railway… the lifeline of what is now Mumbai city,” Aklekar said.

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“It chronicles the dramatic rise of India’s original rail network, the arrival of the first train, and the subsequent emergence of a pioneering electric line — all in the port city of Bombay. Trains that once provoked awe and fear — they were viewed as fire chariots, smoke-spewing demons — have today become a nation’s lifeblood,” he said.

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In the book, each pit-stop comes with stories of desire and war, ambition and death. By Dockyard Road station, for instance, author Laurence Sterne’s beloved Eliza Draper followed a sailor into the sea

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Posted by admin - February 23, 2015 at 1:03 pm

Categories: Article   Tags: book, , network, railway, takes

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